It’s time to build in Judea and Samaria as we do in Tel Aviv

President Trump has sided with Israel on the right side of history. To make the most of the opportunity the US has created for Israel to expand its sovereignty, we need a statesman – not a politician.

by  Boaz Bismuth, ISRAEL HAYOM

A general view of construction in the Jerusalem suburb of Givat Zeev | Photo: Reuters/Ammar Awad

US President Donald Trump has spent months formulating the much-anticipated counter-Oslo Accords measure.

Yes, it is precisely this president, who many allow themselves to disrespect, who understood Middle East reality better than countless pundits, experts, statesmen, diplomats worldwide, and other advisers who, out of loyalty to magical-yet-misguided paradigms, and with a fixed mindset, bound our future and our fate with that of the Palestinians.

We are no strangers to slogans such as “give land to get peace” or “give them a state and the world will recognize us.” In practice, we gave land and got terrorism, blood, and agony. But then we were told it was happening because we were “occupiers,” and if we wanted it to stop, we needed to cede more land and give more. And more.

The Trump administration’s “deal of the century” approached one of the most complex dilemmas in Israeli history with an objective mindset, recognizing immediately the urgent need to change its concept. Its true greatness is that it reflects the reality on the ground and has been adapted accordingly.

Trump’s plan gives Israel the means to step away from the Oslo delusion, which now belongs to archaeologists to ponder over. This plan not only corresponds with the current reality – not the utopian one – but also gives Israel the opportunity to shape its own boundaries.

Netanyahu has now reached the same level of Israel’s first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s achievements, not only in terms of the length of his term on office, but also in terms of establishing sovereignty and setting borders. Because in Washington we founded Israel’s borders.

US President Donald Trump shakes hands with PM Netanyahu at the White House in Washington, Tuesday (AP/Alex Brandon)

Skeptics and critics will surely wonder: “But what about the Palestinian state? After all, it’s mentioned in the plan, too.” This is exactly what makes Trump’s plan great: It is so connected to reality that it allows each of the parties to choose if they want to be part of it. And if only one party recognizes the opportunity and wants to seize it – so be it.

There are things that can be done right now: full security control in the Jordan Valley, preserving most of the settlements – taking into account the demographic complexity, of course – and most importantly, the opportunity to expand Israeli sovereignty.

But in order for this moment to have any practical significance, the Israeli government must follow the lead of the beloved children’s character Bob the Builder, or to be exact, Netanyahu must become “Bibi the builder.”

This is what is expected of him because the implementation on the ground is critical. If Netanyahu doesn’t follow through, what was all the fanfare about? Why bother with a trip to Washington, and the energy the Trump administration poured into preparing the plan?

This is also what the March 2 election should focus on, the question of putting this plan into action. A right-wing government that fails to implement its worldview in the spirit of Trump’s plan and in coordination with his administration, will be just as bad as a left-wing government that will undoubtedly exercise its mandate to quickly and effectively influence reality – in the opposite direction.

There are also those who say Trump’s plan is doomed to fail simply because the Palestinians rejected it long before it was introduced.

This, in and of itself, is nothing new – the Palestinians have turned down equally generous offers by former Israeli prime ministers, like Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, who in 2008 was even willing to give the Palestinians control over the Temple Mount and pull Israeli troops from the Jordan Valley.

But no – the Palestinians snubbed even these (let’s face it – outrageous) concessions, at the expense of the good of their own people.

We kept blaming ourselves, while the Palestinians kept maligning Israel for “being difficult.” And still, we continued to live in virtual reality, blaming ourselves for anything bad that happened. The Arab (Palestinian, for those who insist) tragedy lies with the fact that PLO leader Yasser Arafat was never willing to be Ben-Gurion and to take what was offered – if only as a starting point.

Netanyahu – and Blue and White leader Benny Gantz – were faced this week with a rare opportunity to go down in history as prominent Jewish statesmen. They can be the Ben Gurion and Moshe Sharett of our time.

If they both recognize this historic opportunity, as they have said, then they can be expected to set aside their differences for a moment, and act. This duty falls first and foremost to the prime minister – Gantz is welcome to tag along.

Both, by the way, understand the importance of national security and are aware that the US plan goes a long way when it comes to bolstering Israel’s security vis-à-vis a demilitarized Palestinian political entity.

Those of us who find it particularly difficult to wrap their mind around the idea of a Palestinian state (I admit – it’s not easy for me, either) would be wise to remember that the current asymmetry between Israel and the Palestinian Authority makes it difficult to establish a Palestinian state in the full sense of the word.

And it is not Israel’s fault, as we so often tell ourselves, but that of the totality that has characterized some of us – and the Palestinian leadership – pushing for “all or nothing.” it’s time to shelve that notion, too.

It is also high time to apply Israeli sovereignty over our ancestral land and in the Jordan Valley – without holding symposia on the reasons why it has not yet been done.

There seem to be no real differences of opinion in the public or between Likud and Blue and White with respect to the Jordan Valley. Even the Jordanians, who ostensibly oppose this more (as they did the Oslo Accords) are more than satisfied with their special role, as cemented in the 1994 peace deal, as the administrators of the holy Muslim places on the Temple Mount.

This is also the time to build in Area C, where according to Trump’s plan 50% will remain under Israeli control. We have no desire to control another people, and the American plan finds a solution for the Arabs living in the area; as it does for the 3% of the 450,000 Jews living in Judea and Samaria, who live in very remote communities.

Arab world unfazed

The Arab world does not appear to be alarmed by the “deal of the century.” There are no protests in Cairo, Riyadh or Amman, and while domestic troubles and local public opinion still have to be met, Arab leaders’ priorities have changed. None are newfound “lovers of Zion” but they are also less and less fond of the Palestinians.

In anything, Trump’s plan reflects the fact that Israel has been able to deepen the poll of common interests with the moderate Arab states beyond the Iranian threat.

Israel, foretold to face spectacular international isolation, has emerged as the one who has nevertheless been on the right side of history. Various Arab leaders have been wise to understand this, even if they are in no hurry to give it public expression.

When President Trump introduced his Middle East peace plan, I was actually moved. For years I have been quoting Dr. Dan Schueftan’s book, “Disengagement: Israel and the Palestinian Entity,” in which he explains that Israeli governments throughout – left and right – have not had enough courage to deal with Judea and Samaria/West Bank/territories – call it what you will.

But now, suddenly, this is possible.

A word also has to be said about the hero of the day, if not the hero of our time.

US President Donald Trump has stormed into the history of the Jewish people. Oh, how some have derided the man, questioning his chances of winning the presidential election, and doubting his ability or commitment to fulfill his promises after he won.

So yes, I am proud that Israel Hayom was able to identify and support him almost from the get-go. I remember my first meeting with candidate Trump, in December 2015. I sat in front of a man who likes Israel. The same was true in the Oval Office, with the American president talking to me in an open and friendly manner, and in a very positive way about his beloved daughter’s conversion to Judaism.

Yes, Donald Trump is also in the midst of an election year and he has his constituency to consider, including evangelical voters, who want, just like him, what is best for us.

I was watching him on Tuesday, and the Israeli prime minister, and thought for a moment what would it look like if Hillary Clinton were there, not Trump. We would be subjected to the same old failed story.

The Trump peace plan may not bring the long-awaited peace with the Palestinians, but it gives them four years to make a decision, and more importantly, it allows us to finally build in Judea and Samaria as we do in Tel Aviv – I heard that directly from a senior American source. Just imagine – a skyscraper in Ofra.

Our thanks go to Trump but it is Netanyahu that has to do the heavy lifting. This is a realistic plan, but its implementation requires a statesman, not a politician. Netanyahu proved again that he has what it takes.

This plan will ruffle many feathers and much of what happens in its wake will meet with harsh criticism. But it does solve three complex problems: It puts an end to the Palestinians’ unrealistic demand for return; it allows sovereignty to be applied in large parts of Judea and Samaria, and it cements the status of united Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.

The big question, of course, is what will actually be done, and it might be better to start with asking where Israel should apply sovereignty. A century from now, historians will ponder Israel’s leaders’ conduct at the time of this monumental turnaround.

The Israeli public is waiting for it, history is ready for it, and the elections should not interfere. We must not forget: We still have the right-wing government, the one that is striving for this moment, and it is the one that needs to realize it.

True, the map presented in Washington on Tuesday was of the Middle East – one of the most troublesome neighborhoods in the world, and even Trump cannot solve all of our problems. But at least we’ve finally moved forward from the instructions page, and such progress was a long time coming.

Boaz Bismuth is editor-in-chief of Israel Hayom