Use it or lose it.
By David M Weinberg, ISRAEL HAYOM
The bottom line is that to hold on to a united Jerusalem, Israel must act forcefully to restore its full and active jurisdiction in all parts of the holy city. It must wield a big baton against Arab insurgents that are threatening the stability of the city. And there is no better time to act than now.
Last month, the Education Ministry barred school trips from entering the Old City of Jerusalem through Jaffa Gate. It’s too dangerous, the ministry decided.
Instead, the thousands of kids (and adults) now visiting the holy city every evening on pre-High Holiday Selichot (penitential prayer) tours must march around the Old City and enter through Zion Gate directly into the Jewish Quarter. There is less chance of getting stoned that way.
This frightful and frightening decision reflects the ominously deteriorating security situation in Jerusalem.
Over the past year — long before an Arab teenager from the Jerusalem Arab neighborhood of Beit Hanina was murdered (following the murder of three Jewish teens in Gush Etzion in June) — thousands of violent incidents have been recorded in the city. Since the murder of Muhammad Abu Khdeir the violence has escalated, becoming a virtual onslaught. We have witnessed bulldozer, bombing, knifing and shooting attacks.
A car-bombing attempt was intercepted near Beitar. Arab protestors vandalized and tried to burn a French Hill gas station and grocery store. There has been sporadic but ongoing gunfire from Shuafat into Pisgat Ze’ev homes, and firecrackers fired from Jabel Mukaber into Armon Hanatziv homes. Rowdy pro-Hamas demonstrations regularly run all night long in Jabel Mukaber, with no police intervention.
Almost half of the Jerusalem light rail cars are out of service because of damage from stoning attacks in Shuafat.
Over 1,000 brush and forest fires have been started in recent months in the forests in and around Jerusalem by Arab arsonists.
Last Thursday evening, the Cohen family from Ramat Gan was almost lynched as they drove through Wadi Joz to the Western Wall for an army induction ceremony.
The situation is even worse in the so-called “Holy Basin” quadrant, and has been so for a few years. Travel to the hallowed, ancient Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives is a very risky venture. Mourners are regularly stoned, and few bereaved families visit the graves there without going in an organized convoy. There is also frequent Arab vandalism of the graves. (Were such vandalism against a Jewish cemetery to regularly occur abroad, it would be an international scandal).
On the Temple Mount — which is the holiest site in the world to Jews — Jewish visitors are accosted frequently and systematically, while the police stand aside. It goes without saying that the near 50-year ban on Jewish prayer on the Temple Mount outrageously remains in place; lest the Arabs get really too angry.
Last month, masked Arab rioters, probably hired by the Islamic Movement or the Palestinian Authority-controlled waqf, stormed and burned a police station on the Temple Mount. Nobody in the Israeli government emitted as much as a hiccup.
The police continue to insist that the violence is “atmospheric” and not instigated by a guiding hand — but I wonder. The leader of the rabble-rousing northern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel, Sheikh Raed Salah, has been banned from the city, but his henchmen and those of radical Salafist movements continue to stir things up, especially on the Temple Mount.
The Israel Police and Border Police have recently made close to 1,000 arrests in the city and charged perhaps 200 Arab rioters, but they have refrained from positioning a large, demonstrable street presence along the seam line and in eastern neighborhoods of the city. They are mainly relying on surveillance cameras and after-the-fact deterrent arrests; but this does not seem to be working.
Friends of mine serving in the Border Police in and around Jerusalem (and adjacent to Rachel’s Tomb on the northern edge of Bethlehem — where riots are commonplace) tell me that their hands are tied. Rarely are they allowed to charge and pursue rock-throwers, and they are essentially forbidden from using their weapons (except in extreme life threatening situations).
It is clear that our security leaders are more afraid of the beating or shooting death of an Arab protester (and its predictable ultra-violent aftermath) than they are concerned about the ongoing, chronic situation of “low level” violence that we are apparently expected to endure.
The desire to avoid incidents that will become major conflagrations and international trouble for Israel is understandable. But the current response strategy is insufficient. The government seems indecisive or asleep as Israeli sovereignty over many of Jerusalem’s eastern neighborhoods, Arab and Jewish, is being challenged. One gets the sense that the public security minister and the cabinet don’t want to even admit that there is a problem, lest the admission scare Israelis and tourists away from the city.
But the crisis is real and increasingly unavoidable. The government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, must devote much more attention to the re-securing (dare I say re-liberation) of Jerusalem.
Part of the answer is boosting the manpower and resources of the Jerusalem police force, which is clearly overburdened. There should be a police officer stationed at every street corner, if and where necessary, and they should be empowered to act decisively the minute trouble begins.
A second part of the solution is enhanced prosecution and jailing of rioters, including minors, and an intense intelligence effort to identify and crush the professional instigators and ringleaders.
Some will say that another part of the solution is the devotion of more municipal services and budgets to the eastern parts of the city. That’s true, but let’s face it: The developmental gap is not why the violence is growing. Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat is indeed advancing Arab neighborhoods of the city, through announcement of new residential construction projects and more budgets for education and infrastructure in Arab neighborhoods.
A critical element for regaining control of the entire city has to be enforcement of civic law. Somehow, in the Arab neighborhoods of the city, building codes and noise pollution bylaws don’t apply. The Arab residents know how to take national insurance payments from the government of Israel and to enjoy excellent health care privileges in the city’s clinics and hospitals, but they know nothing of municipal taxes, building permits, or yielding to stop signs.
This has to change. Part of regaining security control of the city is disciplining the Arab public to be law-abiding residents in all spheres.
The bottom line is that to hold on to a united Jerusalem, Israel must act forcefully to restore its full and active jurisdiction in all parts of the holy city. It must wield a big baton against Arab insurgents that are threatening the stability of the city. And there is no better time to act than now.
I doubt it is coincidental that this week’s haftarah (a reading from one of the biblical prophets read on Shabbat in synagogues around the world) is Isaiah 61: “For the sake of Zion I will not hold my peace, and for the sake of Jerusalem I will not be still. … I will set watchman on the walls of Jerusalem all day or night. … Go through, go through the gates, prepare the way of the people; bank up, build up the highway, clear the stones; lift up a standard for the people.”
@ yamit82:
Are you absolutely sure you do?
— or was that not an absolute statement you just made?
@ yamit82:
Was this stateside or in-country? — You said you spent a couple months in Letterman. (BTW, bldg was abandoned in 94, torn down in 02. Three yr later LucasFilm put its Digital Arts Ctr in the Presidio on the site of the former hospital.)
Me too. Yet I’ve found that it’s a tolerance threshold which is capable of continually being raised yet further — and substantially so.
And this is YOUR idea of an objective statement? It is itself nothing more than your OWN opinion just as my statement reflects mine.
How specific would you like me to be on a blogsite? I could go into considerable detail (particularly wrt my own dealings w/ pain, just for starters). Furthermore, there was nothing ‘glib’ in what I said. I thought a great deal about it before I posted it. It represented a lifetime of patiently & meticulously considered personal exploration of such matters.
There is absolutely nothing scientific about this remark of yours. It is clearly an ASSUMPTION based on your own highly subjective judgment of what you think you know about me.
Again, you don’t KNOW that for a fact. You only know that that’s been said by those who like to hedge their bets. You don’t know that THEY know. So you hedge yours too. A lot of what passes for ‘science’ — isn’t.
Well, with you that was a foregone conclusion, entirely to be thor expected.
I’m comfortable with it. (But then, I know where I’ve been and I can afford to be.)
Why? Can you not tell the difference without it? There are ways of acknowledging that one is expressing an opinion without that standard formalistic genuflection that people like yourself typically use to keep from being ‘judged’ by the world for presumption.
For example, in my earlier comment, I said, “I strongly suspect that the nervous system’s defenses are compromised by a change to the biochemical makeup of the body when resentment of the pain enters the picture.” Later in the same paragraph I ALSO expressed certainty in re healing as affected by resentment. The point is that I make distinctions between suspicion & certainty.
But you see what it suits you to see.
I was right the other day: You ARE badly scarred
— and at the time I wasn’t talking about your body.