The Sunni nations and the “Jordan Option”

By Ron Jager, AMERICAN THINKER

On September 1, 1967, the Arab League summit delivered the “Three No’s” – no to peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no negotiations with Israel. This declaration was passed as part of the Khartoum resolution, at a summit attended by eight Arab heads of state in the shadow of the Six-Day War, which saw Israel’s unprecedented defeat of Egypt, Jordan and Syria. For the past 70 years, this has been the official policy of all Sunni nations in the Middle East, no to Israel and yes to the Palestinians demand for an independent state, until now. All of this has now come to an end.

The split in the Islamist nations between the Sunni majority lead by Saudi Arabia and the Shia minority lead by Iran has turned the tables on many strategic givens that represent the continuing obsolete thinking in the United States and Western European capitals. What was, will no longer be.

Sunni nations that were in the past at the forefront of the “Three No’s” strategy are today major allies of the State of Israel and are coordinating  their military and strategic postures with Israel to defend themselves against the aggressive Shia threat emanating from Iran and her allies. The Palestinians are a major ally of Iran alongside the terror movement Hezbollah and are totally subservient to the Shia regime of Ayatollahs in Iran. With the Palestinians leaving the fold of the Sunni world, they have not only lost the support of all major Sunni nations, but have also sabotaged by their own doing the feasibility of a two state solution. For this reason the two state solution for the Palestinians is out, and the “Jordan Option” is back on the table as a viable and sustainable option.

Now is time for the international community, after nearly forty years of advocating the two-state solution, and after thousands of Israel’s have been killed by Palestinian terrorists, to go back to basics and seek a remedy elsewhere.

Palestinian autonomy based on a federation within the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan offers the only viable and sustainable hope for the Palestinian Arabs residing in the West Bank— also known in Israel as Judea and Samaria. This “Jordan Option” of enabling the Palestinian Arabs to be incorporated within the sovereign borders of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan can offer a realistic approach in meeting the legitimate historical claims of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, and at the same time provide the Palestinian Arabs with the political aspirations to control their own destiny.

After nearly 100 years of a failed Palestinian Arab national movement, and given the bleak scenarios that lie ahead for the Palestinians, now is the time to go back to the establishment of a Jordanian-Palestinian federation.

With the Palestinians losing the financial and political support of the Sunni nations of the Middle East, how can this new reality be used to engage strategic actors to play a critical role in making the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan re-engage the Palestinian leadership into some kind of federation within the Kingdom?

The Gulf States, especially Saudi Arabia, can provide the finance for the newly formed Palestinian-Jordanian Sunni ally. The United States, under President Donald Trump, has recommitted to maintaining the U.S. security umbrella with the Gulf states. With the establishment of the Palestinian-Jordanian federation, the United States will have a strategic belt of nations spanning from Saudi Arabia – Palestinian-Jordanian federation – Israel – Egypt making a united and powerful front to the larger threat posed by Iran to American interests. The formidable military power of this strategic belt will provide the United States with the needed deterrence against Iran without having to commit American forces.

Jordan can also become a major recipient of international aid that has been earmarked for the Palestinian Authority. Jordanian control of these funds would significantly improve due diligence and transparency ensuring that the funding is not funneled to incitement and terror but to provide for the basic needs of the Palestinian Arabs. Much of the Palestinian frustration is in response to the corruption and outright stealing of international aid by Palestinian leaders over the years. Jordan control of international aid at the expense of the Palestinian Authority, would allow Jordan to deepen her political influence among the Palestinian local leadership, and build a constituency that will gain strength among the general Palestinian public.

As for peace prospects, a Palestinian-Jordanian federation could negotiate with Israel a peace agreement in accordance to principles agreed upon over two decades when Israel and Jordan signed an official peace agreement that has been in force and largely successful in creating peace between the two nations. The road plan to such a peace agreement won’t be easy but the potential benefits in renewing the “Jordanian Option” outweigh the suffering and the immense cost of the conflict associated with a two state solution that is no longer viable.

The writer, a 25-year veteran of the I.D.F., served as a field mental health officer and Commander of the Central Psychiatric Military Clinic for Reserve Soldiers at Tel-Hashomer. Since retiring from active duty, he provides consultancy services to NGO’s implementing Psycho trauma and Psychoeducation programs to communities in the North and South of Israel and is a former strategic advisor to the Chief Foreign Envoy of Judea and Samaria        To contact: medconf@gmail.com

 

October 13, 2017 | 2 Comments »

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  1. Ron, Your Jordan Option is not my Jordan Option. Nowhere did I ague for a federation between Jordan and the Arab areas of Judea and Samaria.

    Instead my Jordan Option is based on removing the King and installing Mudar Zahran as the leader, Thus Jordan becomes a Palestinian country with a right of return for all Palestinians.

    Israel is then positioned to annex all the land to the Jordan River and incentivize the Arabs to emigrate. It doesn’t preclude parts of Smotrich’ plan. For instance, a self governing emirate can be set up around Hevron. As long as they are peaceful it can remain. But Qalqilyia and Tulkarn have to go as does all the Areas B that are sprinkled through Area C.

  2. How would this “provide the Palestinian Arabs with the political aspirations to control their own destiny” if they are ruled by a Hashemite monarch?

    And if it would, why not relocate and rehabilitate them acrss the river with generous relocation/rehabilitation funds?

    After all giving the Hashemites status and presence west of the river is fraught with peril

    And if the Hashemite regime is replaced by a radical successor? Will Israel then annul the autonomy? Or will is allow a hostile presence adjacent to its capital??

    The proposal perpetuates the presence of a large and rapidly growing Arab presence in the “West Bank”. Such a population will inevitably generate considerable social, cultural and “other” impacts on Israeli society. Also there will be inevitable friction at the interface between local and national government – water, taxes, law enforcement an so on ,which is likely to exacerbate the tensions with Jordan