The Five-Point Israeli-Palestinian Peace Plan

Ted Belman. Martin Sherman, Moshe Feiglin and Nisan all agree on keeping all the land and on not giving citizenship a la Glick. This is key.

There are three possibilities with what to do with the Arabs,
1) offer them autonomy
2) pay then to leave (estimated at $100 Billion for the Arabs in J&S and another $100 Billion for the Arabs in Gaza.) Sherman and Feiglin both support this or
3) Offer Jordan the money to take them in.

Or perhaps a combination of all three.

Perhaps a deal could be cut with the Jordan monarchy and the Palestinians to become a constitutional monarchy like Britain. Thus Abdullah remains as king and the Palestinians have full rights.

Israel must be able to proceed unilaterally so that Jordan cannot frustrate her plans. Thus, until we have reached a deal with them or the Palestinians in J&S for autonomy, we should pursue the compensated emigration plan of Sherman and Feiglin.

By Mordechai Nisan, FPM

The Oslo theory and policy was tested and failed.

  • Inasmuch as the Israeli-Palestinian War has not been resolved, and the Oslo Accords could not overcome the multiple obstacles on the path to peace; Considering the adamant Palestinian refusal to recognize the legitimacy of the Jewish state of Israel, while demanding massive refugee return, terrorizing Israelis and murdering them, and spewing out hate education;
  • Conscious of the repressive discourse of peace with its agenda for Israeli capitulation and destruction that camouflages a wicked scheme paraded as a vision of peace;
  • Noting that the United Nations, the European Union, and other international forums serve as diplomatic arenas for pro-Palestinian political insurgency;
  • While observing the Middle East aflame with Islamic barbarism, turmoil and warfare;

It is therefore a worthy enterprise to propose a paradigm shift that will challenge people to reject the old toxic political mantras and examine peace-making in a realistic fashion:

[1] Peace among peoples and states in the Middle East is constrained by the historical, cultural and religious features of the region.

A utopian Western version of peace habitually ignores the persistence and longevity of tribal/clan/ethnic/religious identities and loyalties in this part of the world, where group conflicts are never resolved. The profound chasm in historical memories and political claims between Jews and Arabs, or Israelis and Palestinians, creates intractable conflict which can, at the most, be managed or contained. Talk of a final and permanent peace between Israelis and Palestinians is one of the more foolish and dangerous political ideas in human history.

[2] The State of Israel is a national entity resonating with the return of the Jewish people to its homeland and the renaissance of its cultural and political life.

Palestinian rejection of Israel is essentially a declaration of war that leaves the two sides locked in confrontation. All international attempts to de-legitimize the State of Israel, consistent with Hamas and the PLO drawing maps of Palestine without Israel, is hardly less than a genocidal campaign to eliminate the Jewish state and its inhabitants. Strengthening and highlighting the Jewish character of Israel will enrage Arabs, yet clarify that it is with this special State alone that peace can be reached – or war launched.

[3] The political and territorial scope of Israeli sovereignty requires exclusive Israeli rule from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River to assure the viability of the state and its durability over time.

Israel’s geo-strategic interests in the land of Israel preclude any Israeli withdrawal from any part of the land, which would de-stabilize the already precarious relations with the Palestinians and foment warfare in the future. Thus the present territorial-political status quo in the eighty kilometers from Tel Aviv to Jericho must be preserved in the interests of peace. A visibly vulnerable Israel, like an internationally abandoned one, will always be tempting prey for Arab aggression and resultant colossal suffering and destruction.

[4] Israeli rule in the area west of the Jordan River will not transform the state into a bi-national Jewish-Arab entity.

In essence, Israel’s Jewish national demographic profile, though robust and growing, can allow Palestinians in Judea and Samaria to enjoy autonomy, but neither sovereignty nor Israeli citizenship; at the same time, the doors to emigration and migration eastward are open. Negating Palestinian sovereignty in Judea and Samaria is not validated by the contention that there already are nineteen Arab states, but rather because a rogue/irredentist/Islamist Palestinian state would be at war with the Jewish state, exposed to a narrow porous coastline on the Mediterranean Sea.

[5] The Kingdom of Jordan, in fulfilling a partisan family and tribal ambition for close to a century, must be a central component of peace between Israel and the Palestinians.

It is in Jordan that the Palestinians, already a majority of the population, can acquire national self-determination, along with other Palestinians from Judea/Samaria/Gaza and Lebanon who can be resettled there. Jordan as the Palestinian state provides a reasonable political element in the peace plan which accords with a Jewish state west of the River and a Palestinian state east of the River. In 1948 Jordan defined itself as the Arab successor state to Palestine, and now Palestine east of the Jordan River will be the replacement state to Hashemite Jordan.

Last Word: 

Deeply entrenched conventional pieties – territories for peace, the two-state solution, legitimate Palestinian rights, ending the occupation and dismantling the settlements – fill the hollow and hallowed political discourse. The campaign to bludgeon Israel into surrender and emasculation underpins all this diabolical cant.

Dr. Mordechai Nisan has written “Only Israel West of the River,” which is available at Amazon.com and Createspace.com, among his many books.

 

 

January 29, 2015 | 3 Comments »

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  1. @ ArnoldHarris:

    Plan for Arab voluntary emigration assistance should start very targeted in location and to use as a test bed.

    Take initial funds from withheld tax receipts from PA.
    Start in certain neighborhoods of East Jerusalem and Arab villages near Jewish Towns in Judah and Samaria.

    Buy the land and property from the Arabs and help them relocate overseas. Then sell the property to Jews.

    Use the proceeds from the resold property to further the program to assist in its viability.

    Learn from the problems that come up. Adjust for future success. Just like a business does with franchises.


    Israel should build in Judah and Samaria everywhere and declare Oslo Null and Void.

  2. With all due respects to Feiglin, Sherma, and Nisan, and the others who schemed up such an idea, nobody is going to pay $200 billion to resettle the entire Arab populations of Shomron, Yehuda, and Gaza. Moreover, no Arab state would accept such an “aliya” under any circumstance that comes to mind.

    So let us trim these fantasies down to smaller and more workable segments. I understand that significant percentages of Yesha Arabs have told pollsters they would be willing to emigrate, if suitable financial assistance could be arranged; perhaps a third of them would be interested in out-migration under such terms.

    Actually, this is happening on a relatively small scale right now, with Arabs paying to have themselves and their families smuggled into Europe, typically on less-than-seaworthy small boats sailing and landing at night to avoid police interference at the point of destination. One must suppose the costs vary with the risks taken by the smugglers, possibly averaging a few thousand dollars per person.

    All across the world, money talks, and local cops and low level port authorities accept payments for certain services. Chances are the same approach would work along the land borders of Israel, which is a less chancy way of moving people out on a regularized basis. Bedawi tribes probably would consider that an honorable way of earning a living, and official looking residency papers are relatively easy to manufacture.

    In any case, I think about 50,000 emigrants per year would not be a bad start, and over time, would trim the Arab populations of Yesha down to relatively manageable numbers.

    One important point is that Yesha Arab homes abandoned by the emigrants should fall under Jewish control, at least in Area C and perhaps Area B of Shomron and Yehuda. That is not too difficult to arrange through dummy buyers who would then transfer title to this or that Israeli land agency which would reward them well enough to get out of the country themselves so as not to facilitate their own assassination.

    The best and only feasible way to handle the bulk of the Arab population in Yesha is to break up Fatah and later, Hamas, by staged Israeli encroachment on territories they presently control. That means starting with Area C by transferring authority there from the Israeli Defense Ministry to whichever civilian Israeli authorities that deal with land use, housing, highway construction, economic development, educational services, etc. That, combined with an annual increase of 4 percent in the Jewish population of the territories, will prove to be an irreversible fait accompli, in other words, de facto sovereignty. If you have that and hold it long enough, some time in the future it will evolve into de jure sovereignty. But if not, who really cares?

    As these steps are accomplished, and Fatah control becomes more difficult to maintain, Israel will be in position to ignore Fatah altogether and negotiate separate local autonomy agreements with the urban Arab hamulas (blood-relationship clans) that are in fact the power brokers in every Arab city in Yesha. Nobody turns down power extended to them, and that would be the best way to allow those Arabs to govern themselves on a relatively long-term basis. Arab local authorities have no more interest in democracy than I do, and will be in position to enforce local peace much better than any tender-hearted Jewish Israeli bureaucrat. What about human rights, you might ask. My response is that there is no universal standard concerning such rights; all of them are products of the particular culture of the nation or local population in question. My way of practicing tikun haolam is to leave them alone. If they don’t bother the Jews, then don’t try to change the way they live.

    Can real peace ever be achieved in the Middle East? Like Bill Clinton once slyly stood up on a televised stage and said: “It all depends on the meaning of what the word ‘is’ is.” The same for ‘peace’. The Arabs and other Moslems are not at all like most Europeans, Americans, Russians, Chinese, Indians or whomever. They have been at war with one another since the day they buried their great prophet in 632 CE. They fight over turf, they fight over religion, they fight over water, they fight over family honor, and they probably will be doing all that 10,000 years from now. So accept all that for what it is, and if they can be kept under someone else’s control, just stick to rebuilding the Jewish commonwealth of the judges and kings of Israel and Yehuda of three millennia ago.

    Arnold Harris
    Mount Horeb WI

  3. a peace treaty with the Palestinians is just a prelude to the destruction of Israel ,what’s even more pathetic ,the I24 Web site ,the channel of Israel for the world ,shows on their broadcast that judea and Samaria is not part of Israel.we are our worst enemies .