The EU: Undermining Israel under the guise of humanitarianism

Between 2012-2014, the EU financed the building of more than 400 illegal structures in Area C identified by an affixed EU flag. The EU claimed diplomatic immunity and refused to appear in court when sued for illegal construction.

By Janet Levy, INN

More than 70 years after the Holocaust, the European Union has been involved in demonizing and delegitimizing the Jewish State through actions inimical to Israel’s existence. They include indirect funding of terrorist activities, refusals to examine this misdirection of funds, assistance to build illegal Palestinian communities within Israel’s boundaries, and criticism of Israel’s attitudes towards Palestinians as “ethnic cleansing.”  These EU activities have gone on for the past 25 years, and represent a persistent undermining of the Jewish State under the guise of European humanitarianism.

Since the beginning of the Oslo process in 1992, the EU has backed the Palestinian Authority, becoming one of its main financial supporters.  Since 1993, the EU and its member states have given over four billion euros to the PA and a variety of Palestinian NGOs. Ostensibly, these funds were meant to develop democratic institutions as well as promote education and prosperity among Palestinians.  In actual practice, a substantial portion of the European funding has fueled corruption and terrorism.

In 2004, Ilka Schroeder, an EU member of parliament representing the German Green party, called for an investigation of this EU-funding. She accused the governmental body of “winking approval of terrorist attacks” by “financing a murderous anti-Semitic terrorist war against Israel.”  Further, she proclaimed, “It is a well known fact that the EU-funding for the Palestinian Authority was channeled to a black budget.”

As part of her investigation, Schroeder uncovered evidence that PA terrorist leader, Yasser Arafat, had personally signed checks to people linked to terrorist activity. Ultimately, the EU declined her request for a full inquiry and for an accounting and recovery of misappropriated funds.

Even though Israel had provided the European Commission with poof of this illicit use of EU-funding as early as 2002, Chris Patten, the then-European commissioner for external relations, refused calls for investigation. He also denied any knowledge of how the money was used or evidence of serious problems.  Furthermore, despite PA-orchestrated terrorist attacks and the launch of thousands of rockets into Israeli civilian territory, Patten characterized the PA’s survival as vital to peace prospects in the region.

In 2012, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported that 16% of annual foreign donations to the PA were used as payments to terrorists and their families.  NGO Palestinian Media Watch has repeatedly demonstrated how EU funding supports hate literature and hate education against Jews. Some of these materials even describe Jews as apes and rats and deny any Israeli connection to the land.

That same year, under the guise of providing humanitarian aid, the EU announced funding for the “development of land and basic infrastructure” for Bedouin and Palestinian communities in an area under the municipal jurisdiction of Israel referred to as Area C.  Under the Oslo Accords which were ratified by the EU, Area C was designated as Israel’s full responsibility and Areas A and B were under full civil control of the Palestinian Authority. But in an attempt to grab more Israeli land for a future state, the PA refused to provide housing for Bedouins and Palestinians in Areas A and B, thereby forcing them into Area C.

Thus, the EU funding constituted illegal building activity and a subversion of Israel’s sovereign authority as a result, a huge upsurge occurred in the number of illegal Bedouin village structures and encampments on both sides of the highway from the entrance to Jerusalem all the way to the Dead Sea.  Between 2012-2014, the EU financed the building of more than 400 illegal structures without Israeli government permission in violation of the country’s zoning and building laws. These structures, made from modular panels and identified by an affixed EU flag, could be built within hours.

This joint EU-PA “building project” was designed to wrest control of Area C from Israel. The ramshackle communities lacked water, sewage, electricity, refuse collection and other infrastructure requirements.  They became blighted centers of poverty, crime and environmental pollution, many near main roads, near military bases, or on designated nature reserves as well as on historic and Christian holy sites.  They came nowhere close to meeting stringent EU environmental policies existent in Europe and, instead, created environmental damage from inadequate sanitation, 
garbage disposal and rampant burning. In addition, children are bused long distances to school instead of attending local schools.  Regavim, an Israeli NGO that monitors building development in Area C, has videos of Palestinian children throwing rocks at passing motorists.

These illegal communities created a foothold for theft of Israel’s land and served the EU-PA purpose of generating bad press for the Jewish state.  When Israel rightfully demolished the illegal properties, a public relations nightmare ensued, featuring Israel as a heartless aggressor.

Except when it comes to Israel, it would be inconceivable that a foreign government would have the temerity to stealthily finance the building of illegal housing in a sovereign nation in another part of the world.  Not only would this not be tolerated but it would most likely cause an international incident.  Yet, in a further display of hubris, the EU claimed diplomatic immunity and refused to appear in court when sued for illegal construction by Regavim.

In 2014, the Israeli government proposed a solution for the EU-sponsored squatter population in Area C.  It proposed building a modern town near Jericho with sanitation, education, health and welfare services within 500 acres of state lands.  The new community would replace the illegal hovels that violate building, zoning, sanitation and environmental laws.  Astonishingly, the EU objected to this proposal and sent representatives on solidarity missions to support the Bedouin squatters.  In 2016, when Israel took down some of the illegal EU structures in Area C, the EU considered suing for damages.

Criticisms of Israel for so-called “ethnic cleansing” fall into the category of blatant hypocrisy considering Europe’s policy of openly discriminating against its Roma population.  Over the past few years, France, Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden and Italy have carried out waves of expulsions against Europe’s largest ethnic minority, estimated at 16 million.  They have used newly created legislation to destroy hundreds of Roma encampments while welcoming Muslim “refugees” from the Middle East and North Africa with open arms and liberal benefits.  France alone has deported close to 10,000 Romas and sent them to live in Romania, Bulgaria and Kosovo.  Even Amnesty International has criticized Europe’s harsh treatment of Romas and discrimination against them, poor living conditions and their lack of educational access. In the case of the Romas, rather than get involved in the humanitarian crisis, the European Commission deemed the issue best handled by individual states.

All these actions can be interpreted as attacks on the legitimacy of Israel’s sovereignty and defense of its territory.  They represent still-existent and still-persistent European anti-Semitism, especially with the EU’s past refusals to officially designate Hizbollah and Hamas as terrorist entities and EU support for anti-Israel boycotts, divestments and sanction campaigns.

The false portrayals of Palestinian suffering, especially when humane and beneficial solutions are rejected, demonstrate that they are a ruse masquerading as humanitarian concerns. In realty, they are a clear attempt by the EU to lay claim to Israeli land and further undermine the Jewish State.

February 8, 2019 | 5 Comments »

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  1. Berlin – Europe’s antisemitism capital
    The German government that resides there has in recent years allowed hundreds of thousands of antisemites from Muslim countries to immigrate without selection.

    A woman holds a sign which reads “Boycott Israel” in front of symbolic coffins while attending a dem
    A woman holds a sign which reads “Boycott Israel” in front of symbolic coffins while attending a demonstration supporting Palestine, in Berlin August 1, 2014. Israel launched its Gaza offensive on July 8 in response to a surge of rocket attacks by Gaza’s dominant Hamas Islamists. Hamas said that Pal. (photo credit: REUTERS/STEFFI LOOS)
    Berlin has become Europe’s capital of antisemitism. Those who have been accustomed to considering Malmö as such were, however, not wrong. Malmö still suffers from major antisemitism. Yet, antisemitic incidents require not only potential perpetrators. These in Malmö come mainly out of parts of the Muslim community. There must also be a sufficient number of Jews to harass.

    Berlin, Germany’s largest Jewish community, has well over 30,000 Jews. The Jewish community in Malmö has shrunk to an estimated 500-600. Perhaps the best solution would be to establish different categories of European antisemitism capitals according to the number of Jews.

    When the associate dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, Rabbi Abraham Cooper, spoke a few months ago in Malmö, he was asked by Jewish and non-Jewish leaders to abolish his organization’s travel warning for the town. Rabbi Cooper answered that he would do so when finally one complaint about antisemitism in Malmö would lead to condemnation by a court. Although several years of numerous antisemitic incidents are behind us, this has not yet happened.
    The Research and Information Center for Antisemitism in Berlin (RIAS) published a report that said in the first half of 2018, 527 antisemitic incidents were recorded in the German capital. These included 18 attacks, 21 intentional acts of vandalism and 18 threats. In the same period of 2017, 514 incidents were recorded. RIAS mentioned that there is particular reason for concern because of the increased number of attacks and threats.

    In March 2018, a Berlin police report revealed that antisemitic crimes in the capital had doubled during the 2013-2017 period. Police sources told the German newspaper Tagesspiegel that the rise in antisemitism was connected to the increased number of migrants from the Middle East living in the city. National Antisemitism Commissioner Felix Klein has also admitted the statistics presented by the RIAS support the feeling among Jews that Muslims are far more involved in antisemitic incidents than official statistics indicate.

    In September 2018, Senior Prosecutor Claudia Vanoni, was appointed as antisemitism commissioner of the prosecution of the Federal State of Berlin. Vanoni said one of her first targets was to unify the definition of antisemitism used, and it was to be based on that of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). Currently, every police commissioner, prosecutor and court can decide according to their own norms whether an act is considered antisemitic. Vanoni also mentioned that many victims do not complain to the police because they believe there will not be any follow-up.

    A PARTICULAR problem is the harassment of Jewish school children. While adults can avoid certain locations, children have to go to school. One of the more extreme cases that became known in 2017 was the harassment of a Jewish youngster the media referred to as “Oscar Michalski.” To protect his identity, his first name had been changed. He was not only insulted, but an older student shot him with a realistic-looking gun of some sort. He also strangled Oscar to the point of unconsciousness. The school’s population is about 80% Muslim, mostly of Turkish and some Arab provenance.

    Every year in Berlin, the anti-Israel al-Quds demonstration takes place. After the June 2018 demonstration, Berlin Senator of the Interior Andreas Geisel, a socialist, said the goal of these demonstrations was despicable, but one cannot prohibit a demonstration based on what people think.

    There are many aspects to antisemitism in Berlin, of which only a few can be mentioned here. The Berlin University of Applied Science, founded in 1971, was renamed in 2009 for Christian Peter Wilhelm Beuth (1781-1853), a Prussian statesman and virulent antisemite. He called for the murder of Jews and, inter alia, embraced blood libel accusations.

    The Jewish Museum is another problematic institution for different reasons. One would expect the museum to have a consistent attitude against antisemitism. Yet in July last year, Jeremy Isacharoff, Israel’s ambassador to Germany, had to complain to the museum’s management about a planned lecture by a hard-core anti-Israel speaker, US-based academic Sa’ed Atshan, a Swarthmore College professor of “peace and conflict studies” in Pennsylvania. Atshan is closely allied with the anti-Israel boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement. After the ambassador’s complaint, the museum canceled the lecture.

    In September 2012, the museum held a discussion by US based academic, Judith Butler, in which she called for a boycott of Israel. She received much applause for her statements. The museum made it clear that questions from the audience would only be permitted in writing. Recently, the museum was accused of systematic omission of Jewish perspectives in its current exhibition titled “Welcome to Jerusalem.” The Jewish community has been complaining about the museum for a long time.

    The Center for Research of Antisemitism at Berlin’s Technical University has, over the years, gained much expertise in the study of antisemitism. Yet, in October 2018, it came under major criticism for employing Luis Hernandez Aguilar, a researcher who works for a British organization that promotes the London version of the al-Quds rally. The deputy director of the center reacted by saying, “We are happy to have won Mr. Aguilar as a fellow and as an internationally recognized expert in the field of hostility to Islam.”

    There is one more major reason to label Berlin as Europe’s capital of antisemitism: the German government that resides there has in recent years allowed hundreds of thousands of antisemites from Muslim countries to immigrate without selection.

    The writer is the emeritus chairman of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. He was given the Lifetime Achievement Award by the Journal for the Study of Antisemitism, and the International Leadership Award by the Simon Wiesenthal Center.
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  2. While the European Union and its member states are certainly guilty of complicity in the murder of thousands of Israelis by the Palestinian terrorists, the Israeli government is apparently guilty of complicity in the mysterious “disappearance,” and possible murder or kidnapping of thousands of Jewish babies. These babies were the children of immigrants belonging to non-European Jewish minority groups–first the Yemenites, who arrived beginning in 1950, and then the Ethiopians, who began arriving in the 1980s. The mysterious disappearances-the parents were told that the children had died, but were not allowed to see or bury the bodies of the children, were not told where the children were buried,and were not even given birth certificates. The children were denied funerals. The Israeli government has refused to investigate the disappearances of the Ethiopians, and has kept its investigations of the disappeared Yemenite children from the 1950s strictly secret, even from the parents and other relatives of the disappeared children.

    All of the usual accusations that Israel has oppressed the Arabs, stolen their land, etc. are absurd , malicious lies. Yet the Israeli government, as well as some Israeli private citizens, are guilty of serious crimes against some of their own Jewish children. There are so many things wrong with the Israeli society and government that I have begun to have doubts about defending Israel any longer.

    The Ethiopian babies who disappeared without a trace
    It was supposed to be one of the happiest days in the lives of Mabrat (Efrat is her Israeli name) and Gathon (Abraham) Wandim. On a hot summer day in August 1985, they arrived at the Hillel Yaffe Medical Center in Hadera, where their third daughter came into the world. There was nothing out of the ordinary about the pregnancy, and the birth wasn’t too difficult either. The baby was born healthy and whole and was taken to the nursery for initial checkup. An hour later the doctors returned to Efrat’s bedside without the baby. “We’re sorry,” the doctor said. “Your baby died of cardiac arrest.”
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    Refusing to believe it—after all, everything went well with the pregnancy and the birth—Efrat and Abraham asked to see their daughter, to no avail. “She was already sent away for burial,” they were told. The baby’s death certificate listed the cause of death as “other congenital anomalies.” In the months that followed, the couple inexplicably kept receiving child benefits for the baby they didn’t even get to name before her burial. Despite the questions that plagued them, Abraham and Efrat have decided—as many Ethiopians immigrants to Israel do—not to make a fuss. After all, they weren’t even fluent in Hebrew. And so they buried their pain deep in their hearts and only spoke about it to family.
    Ruth, Shmuel and Rivkah Daniel, who lost their sister
    Ruth, Shmuel and Rivkah Daniel, who lost their sister

    Thirty years later, reports emerging in recent weeks indicate there might be more stories like that of Efrat and Abraham: Babies who were born healthy and declared dead, at times without the families receiving any documents or proof of the passing, or even getting a chance to say goodbye. And none of them had a grave for the parents to visit. While most of the cases were of newborn babies, at least two concerned toddlers. When we started searching for more information, the Chevra Kadisha (Jewish burial society) suddenly remembered that in two of the cases, they did have records of a place of burial. But when we went there, we found no trace of a grave. If there was a grave, there was no tombstone to give any indication a child was indeed buried there. Because of the Ethiopian community’s tendency to keep things to themselves, not to mention the shame they feel prevents them from talking about what happened—almost all of the parents kept quiet. Only the second and third generations, who opened Pandora’s box, learned to their shock that the cases they knew about were not unique; others like them had lost siblings, who disappeared without a trace. Efrat and Abraham made Aliyah to Israel in the early 1980s, before Operation Moses—the 1984 covert evacuation of hundreds of Ethiopian Jews to Israel. The couple had two children in Israel before they lost their third child on that fateful day in August 1985.
    “This girl was born in time, and the medical tests we did before the birth were normal,” Abraham says. “She was born in a normal birth without any complications. I was there when (Efrat) went into labor, after two days of contractions. In the evening, after the doctors told us (our baby) had died, I saw Efrat and told her, ‘The most important thing is that you are healthy, that is what is important right now.'”

    Abraham, 67, says that over the years he and his wife tried to get more information about their daughter’s death and find her grave. In 1998, Efrat was diagnosed with cancer, which slowly ate away at her body. Her last wish was to know where her daughter was buried. She fought for her life for four years, all the while trying desperately to find out what had happened to her baby. But Efrat passed away in 2002, without ever finding out where her daughter was buried. And you didn’t get any documents? “When we went to a gynecologist at the HMO clinic, he asked us to give him all of the documents from the hospital about the baby’s passing, and we gave him everything. We didn’t keep any documents.” Working together, the couple’s children managed to locate a nurse who worked at the Hillel Yaffe Medical Center at the time and remembered the case, but she didn’t have any new details to offer, nor could she help in procuring any evidence of the baby’s passing. “I want to know what happened there,” says son Shmuel Daniel (who Hebraized his last name). “I want closure for my mother who passed away and for my father, and also for us the siblings who are looking for an answer.”
    Hillel Yaffe Medical Center in Hadera (Photo: Archive)
    Hillel Yaffe Medical Center in Hadera (Photo: Archive)

    In recent years, at the encouragement of his family, Abraham once again tried to find new information to shed light on the mystery. After repeated requests to the Chevra Kadisha in Hadera, Rabbi Haim Haberman found records of where the baby was buried: Block 5 of the children’s section in the new Hadera cemetery. Two weeks ago, we went to the cemetery to look for the grave and to find closure for the family. We were greeted with light rain as we entered the quiet cemetery. We searched for the burial spot for an hour using the records from the Chevra Kadisha, and when we couldn’t find it we turned to the caretaker for help. He tried to assist, joined our search, and even called the manager of the Chevra Kadisha in Hadera himself—but the grave in question was not found. There were other graves of children—not many of them—with simple tombstones, sometimes with full name and dates, and sometimes with just a letter and the dating of passing. A tombstone or any other marking that would indicate that Abraham and Efrat’s daughter was buried here were nowhere to be found. “You don’t hold a funeral for a baby who is less than a month old,” Rabbi Haberman says. “But concerning this child there is a burial license, which means a funeral was held in accordance with law and custom.” However, Rabbi Haberman has yet to present the burial license he says he has. A disturbingly similar thing happened to Yael, 32. A few years ago, Yael’s mother told her that she had a brother who had passed away. He was born in one of the hospitals in central Israel in the winter of 1984. Three days later, the mother was told he had passed away and had been buried before the family was told anything about it. “Two years later I was born,” she says. “All these years, my parents didn’t tell me anything. That’s how it is in the community, people keep everything to themselves; they don’t tell anyone anything, certainly not about bad incidents and traumas like this. Two years ago, my mother fell ill, and then she told me what had happened, and she said she would have liked to have seen the child. We have a birth certificate; we ordered the death certificate, but I’ve yet to receive it. Someone at the Chevra Kadisha told me where the grave is support to be, but I looked for it, and I didn’t find any tombstone or proof that my brother is there.” “The truth is that if I hadn’t heard about the other stories from you, I would not have thought there was something out of the ordinary here. But now that I learn there are other cases like this from the same time, it’s suspicious,” she says.
    “I’m not making accusations or determining anything. I don’t know if they simply dismissed our parents to the point they just didn’t bother telling them anything. What I do know is that after the stories about the Yemenite children, it’s possible there might be something here, and I hope we can find out more before my parents pass away. Their generation kept quiet, we want answers.”

    Twins gone without a trace

    Yesh Atid MK Pnina Tamano-Shata has a similar story to tell: she too lost two siblings, twins who were also born at the Hillel Yaffe Medical Center in Hadera in 1986. The twins are gone, without any records of where they were buried, and without her mother getting to see them or say goodbye.

    “To build a just society, the truth needs to come out,” she says. “We want a state inquiry commission to investigate all the cases of children’s disappearances, from the 1950s to the 1990s. This is the worst thing for a mother, to wonder about the fate of her baby.”

    Pnina, her father, and four of her siblings made Aliyah in 1984. Her mother and two sisters—one of them only three months old—were left behind in the transit camps in Ethiopia.

    After months apart, Pnina’s mother finally arrived in Israel in December 1985 with her two daughters. Shortly thereafter, she became pregnant with twins, and in the fall of 1986 she went to the hospital to deliver her babies.

    “I remember waiting every day outside the school gate. Eventually my mother came back home alone. No one really said anything, there was an intense silence, but with time we realized there were no babies,” she says. “It’s a scar for life. It stayed with me over the years. I had this thought that maybe they didn’t die, maybe they were alive.”

    Yesh Atid MK Pnina Tamano-Shata (Photo: Dana Kopel)
    Yesh Atid MK Pnina Tamano-Shata (Photo: Dana Kopel)

    Pnina’s older siblings also wondered the same thing. “Since I was young, I’ve been grilling my mom about the children, I asked her about the twins a lot,” says Dvora Nativ, Pnina’s elder sister. “Mom preferred not to say anything. In recent years she suddenly started talking about it, about how she heard the baby crying, alive, and they didn’t even let her see her. It left her with a dull pain she preferred not to touch.”

    Dvora, a social worker, couldn’t let the matter go. A few years ago, she and her siblings went to the Interior Ministry to look for answers. A while later, they received death certificates for the two babies, which said they passed away three days apart. There was no record of a grave.

    “When I told mom there were death certificates, she asked me, ‘Where did they bury them?’ I said I didn’t know if there even is a grave. And she said, ‘In Ethiopia, they’d bury even a newborn baby. What are they doing with them here?'” Dvora says.

    Pnina is also bothered by this issue. “I don’t know if it’s true, but let’s say the kids did pass away. Why weren’t their parents given the chance to bury them?” she asks in anger. “What did they do with them? Throw them away? The thought of this is horrifying and inhumane.”

    Tamano-Shata recently took a short break from the Knesset. When she returned ten months ago, she joined a special committee led by Likud MK Nurit Koren to deal with the abduction of Yemenite babies. “One of the topics that kept coming up at the committee was the disappearance of the children from HaSharon Hospital in Petah Tikva,” Pnina says.

    One after the other she heard stories from different sectors, which happened at different times, but they were all parents from disadvantaged groups who were left wondering whether their children had really passed away as they were told. If they were, why were the children taken from them? Why weren’t they allowed to bury them? And where are the graves, or at the very least the mass graves? And if they didn’t die, what happened to them?

    “For years the state told these people they were delusional and imagining things,” Tamano-Shata says. “It’s not possible for hundreds and maybe thousands of people to all be delusional and lying. It’s not possible that hundreds and maybe thousands of babies had just disappeared like this, without a trace. The stories are piling up, and the leaders of the state must bring everything to light. We must give these thousands of families a relief and justice.”

    Dead babies but no graves

    A month ago, we raised the topic in a conversation with friends and were surprised to learn that some of them know of similar cases. One friend told us about a younger sister “who was born at Hillel Yaffe, and my parents were told she had died, without providing them with any details.” Another friend told us about his cousin, only a few months old, “who was hospitalized in 1984 or 1985 with the flu, and his parents were simply informed he was dead, without proof or a place of burial. Nothing. They just dropped it on them.”

    We are investigating yet another case we learned about, searching for a place of burial or any other information.

    Almost all of these cases, with a similar pattern, happened between the years 1981-1985. A previous article in Yedioth Ahronoth revealed that the Chevra Kadisha sometimes buries stillborn babies and babies who died at birth in mass graves and don’t always keep an accurate record of these burials.

    But not all of the cases concerned newborns; there were at least two cases at a Nahariya hospital of toddlers, aged one and two, both children of Ethiopian immigrants, who also died and buried without their family’s knowledge.

    The first case happened to Danny and Edna (not their real names), who made Aliyah to Israel with their infant daughter on December 21, 1984, during Operation Moses.

    A few days after they arrived in Israel, their daughter was admitted to a hospital in Nahariya. The girl was in the hospital for over a week until, on January 6, 1985, the parents received the shocking news: “Your daughter passed away.” The hospital didn’t have an interpreter, which made it difficult for the parents to communicate with the hospital staff.

    When we looked into the matter, we found the girl’s death certificate (which listed the cause of death as pneumonia), but there was no record of a funeral or a place of burial. Nahariya’s religious council told us there was no record that the girl had been buried in the city.

    The second case happened at the very same hospital. Their son was born in March 1986, two and a half years after the couple arrived in Israel. When he was a year and a half old, he suffered an asthma attack and was taken to the hospital. Shortly afterwards, his parents say, the doctors told them that their son had passed away. Once again, there was no funeral—or if there was one, it was held without the boy’s family.

    “Over the years, we turned to the Chevra Kadisha, and even paid people to find our son’s burial place,” the mother says. But his grave was never found.

    “My mother deserves closure, and she shouldn’t have to fight to find out where her son is buried,” says S., the couple’s daughter. “To begin with, I don’t understand why she even had to fight. Why wasn’t she given this information in a transparent manner? I want her to know where she can lay flowers, mourn, get closure, at least in that regard.”

    S., who lost her 1-year-old brother
    S., who lost her 1-year-old brother

    While working on this article, we contacted the Chevra Kadisha, the hospitals and the Health Ministry. We got the impression the left hand doesn’t know what the right hand is doing. In two of the cases, we received information about burial plots that did not exist. In other cases, we were told there was no record. The hospitals claim they don’t deal with burials, and so they don’t know what happened. In an off-the-record conversation, one official in the Chevra Kadisha admitted that it was possible that babies who died in birth or shortly after were buried in a mass grave.

    A senior nurse who worked at one of the hospitals in question said this week that children were buried without invovling the parents.

    , “I encountered two cases at the hospital of Ethiopian children whose parents received news that they had died. In one case, I think what happened was that after the child died, they simply said, ‘These are Ethiopians, new immigrants, they won’t understand anyway. Let’s bury the child without making a fuss.’ I really don’t know what happened with the second case.”

    The Hillel Yaffe Medical Center offered the following response: “The hospital will look into the request in an attempt to locate the relevant information, which is from many years ago and is at an external archive.”

    The Galilee Medical Center in Nahariya offered the following response: “Information about a deceased person, regardless of his age, is only given to one of the individuals or bodies mentioned in the ‘waiver of medical confidentiality’ form.”

    The Health Ministry said it was not familiar with the details of the matter and did not provide a response.

  3. The suggestion of antisemitism in the EU is spot on. If anyone doubts this, they may want to figure out why the EU deems it a good plan to see if Israel or Jews in general can take “a little more” of the same kind of treatment, over and over again.
    As written above, deporting all these diplomats that cannot appear before court to answer for their activities is also spot on and should be widely supported. Deporting Arabs that help these EU activities would finally get a response out of the EU, but they would still claim diplomatic immunity.
    Finally, paying more than lip-service to statements by EU politicians or politicians from any European country (not quite the same thing) is a waste of time.

  4. There is nothing worse than helping destroy a nation or a person under the guise of doing good.
    The EU is on the brink of collapsing. They should focus their energies on helping themselves instead of trying to destroy and delegitimize the only Jewish state. Sounds like plain old antisemitism at work again. I’m glad that they put the seal or their flags all over these illegal buildings. It should make it easy for Israel to identify them and quickly tear them down. Every arab who is found living in them or helping to build them needs to be deported. No EU diplomats should be allowed into Israel. At the very minimum this is what needs to happen ASAP!