Straightening Out Russian Foreign Policy

By December 15, 2019

BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,372, December 15, 2019

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Russian foreign policy since the mid-2000s tends to be perceived in contradictory terms: as either a negative for Russia or the product of a grand strategic vision on the part of the Russian leadership. It is also often falsely perceived as representing a break with the past. Moscow’s foreign policy moves need to be viewed with a balanced perspective and should be placed in their historical context.

The grand analytical narratives of Russian foreign policy dating from the early 2000s draw radical and opposing conclusions. Some analysts warn that Russia is on a downhill trajectory because of internal economic troubles, while others claim it has been transformed into a geopolitical player as important as the US, China, or the EU.

Russian diplomacy lies somewhere in between a grand long-term strategy and a set-up for an apocalyptic scenario in which Russia loses big.

The Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent conflict in eastern Ukraine, the war with Georgia in 2008, and the Syrian campaign are seen by many as clear signs that Moscow has expansionist ambitions.

But one can also argue that those actions were intended to solidify Russian influence that was already in place. Take, for example, Crimea. Even before 2014, Russia effectively controlled the peninsula, had military bases there, and enjoyed the support of a part of the population. Though radical in terms of international law, from a purely strategic point of view the annexation of the peninsula in 2014 led to a solidification of Moscow’s grip on the territory through the opening of additional military bases and increasing economic influence.

As for Georgia’s breakaway regions, Russia effectively controlled those regions before 2008 both militarily and economically. The war of 2008 can thus be seen as a solidification of Russian foreign policy gains dating from the 1990s, when Moscow halted Georgia’s western drive.

In Syria, too, before the Russian military intervention of 2015, Moscow inherited a close partnership with Damascus from the Soviet Union and even had a military base there. Russia has been solidifying its presence in the country from 2015 through the present.

Russian foreign policy moves over the past 10 years or so are thus not as innovative or expansive as many believe. They reflect a solidification of Russian interests, which by extension means that Moscow’s current foreign policy is a continuation of its policy from the 1990s. In all recent Russian military campaigns, Moscow has defended military assets already on the ground.

Let’s consider what is likely to happen in the immediate future in Belarus. Moscow’s economic, cultural, and military influence on Minsk has been exponential since the breakup of the Soviet Union. When it was announced recently that Belarus and Russia will move forward with plans to create a single state through unified parliament, financial, and judiciary systems, many sounded the alarm of further Russian expansionism.

But while this is an important development, it is not an indication that Russia is growing its influence out of proportion. Here too we see a solidification of Russian foreign policy that was in place well before Vladimir Putin’s rule began. Talks between Moscow and Minsk began and integration plans were signed by the countries in the 1990s, right after the collapse of the Soviet system.

Even in Central Asia, where Uzbekistan is reportedly close to joining the Eurasian Economic Union, the Russians are not aiming at something out of proportion. Moscow’s military and economic clout in the region has been foundational since the 1990s.

The past two decades have thus been primarily about Russia safeguarding the military perimeter the Soviet Union once enjoyed. And to the Russians’ credit, they have managed to do this. Russian troops in Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan have thwarted NATO and EU expansion into the heart of Eurasia. A main reason for the Russia-Belarus integration talks is Moscow’s need to open a military base on Belarusian soil, close to the Polish border, to preclude military moves by NATO.

While the above moves represent an intensification of weakened 1990s-era Russian foreign policy, there are exceptions that seem to signal a break from post-Soviet Russian diplomacy. For example, on Afghanistan, Russia has been at the heart of negotiations between the Kabul government and the Taliban on more than one occasion. Several peace conferences have been held in Moscow in the past couple of years.

In Africa, Russia is gradually being transformed into a significant power with large diplomatic, military, and economic ambitions covering broad swaths of the continent. A pan-African summit was recently held in Sochi (Russia).

Still, one can argue that Russia exerted influence on Afghanistan in Soviet times, and Soviet Russia had ambitions in Africa.

Returning to the question of whether Russia has increased its influence in Eurasia: While it is fashionable to claim both that its increased influence will diminish and that it is being transformed into a new global player, Russian foreign policy gains (including economic and military moves) have in fact been moderate. Moscow has rarely involved itself in risky theaters and has not invaded a country it cannot defeat. All its moves were carefully calibrated and none represented a radical change from what the Russians were doing in previous decades (or centuries, according to some).

In the longer term, Moscow’s military and economic moves have created more problems for Russia than solutions. But its intention was never to find a long-term solution to the Ukraine, South Caucasus, or Syria. Moscow’s goal was to solidify its influence in order to keep western economic and military expansion at bay until better geopolitical circumstances arise.

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Emil Avdaliani teaches history and international relations at Tbilisi State University and Ilia State University. He has worked for various international consulting companies and currently publishes articles on military and political developments across the former Soviet space.

December 21, 2019 | 2 Comments »

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  1. From Yeshiva World. One of the relatively few positive aspects of the Putin regime has been the grant of freedom of religion for Jews in Russia. Many old synogogues have been returned to the Jewish community and rehabilitated, and many new ones built. Chabad rabbis, mainly of Russian ancestry or birth, have been allowed to staff these synagogues.

    The Secret Of Putin’s Positive Relationship With Jews
    January 21, 2020 6:00 pm

    Russian President Vladimir Putin is a complex personality and there are various complaints heard about him, such as his iron rule, his repression of political opposition and his support of Syria.

    However, it is clear that Putin treats the Jewish community fairly and even positively and doesn’t condone anti-Semitism in a traditionally anti-Semitic country. Jewish communities throughout the country have seen an unprecedented renaissance of Jewish religious life under Putin, including the return of dozens of shuls and buildings that were confiscated from Jewish communities in the past, the establishment of the $50 million Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow with the encouragement of Putin, and more recently, the building of a Jewish youth center in the Far Eastern Russian city of Birobidzhan

    Although conflicts arise between Russia and Israel, they don’t seem to be motivated by anti-Semitism. Even his expulsion of some Chabad rabbis from the country was explained by some as a broad crackdown on foreign clergy which included the Jewish rabbis as collateral damage.

    Is there a secret to Putin’s generally positive relationship with Jews? A recent Arutz Sheva report quoted a publication called Dwash Shabbat, a type of “Parsha sheet” published by Tiveria Jews who are close to Mekubal HaRav Dov Kook, which sheds some light on Putin’s relationship with Jews. The report said that the information in Dwash Shabbat was told to them by Russian Chief Rabbi, Rav Berel Lazar.

    Apparently, Putin grew up in a very poor family to the point that he didn’t have enough food to eat when he was a child. Although many neighbors in their building were aware of the lack of food in the Putin household, the only ones who helped young Putin was a frum Jewish family, who provided food for him and also invited him to their Shabbos and Yom Tov seudos. The Jewish family also bought clothing for him and other necessities he was lacking.

    Also, in 2018, it was reported that Putin inherited an apartment in downtown Tel Aviv. It turned out that Putin had brought an apartment for his former high school teacher Mina Yuditskaya Berliner who had made aliyah in 1973. When Putin visited Israel in 2005, she met with him and he stayed in touch with her afterward and shortly later bought her an apartment. When she died in 2018 at age 96, Berliner left the apartment to Putin via the Russian Embassy.

    It seems apparent that Putin has fond memories of his relationship with Jews from his growing-up years in St. Petersburg.

  2. I see Russian military posture as self-defense against American aggression.
    In particular the expansion of NATO 1000 Km eastwards and installing rockets in Poland, Slovakia. Hungary, etc. These rockets are clearly aimed at Russia, whatever America says.

    After the fall of Soviet Union, Russia for over 10 years tried hard to play nice with America, tried to be a partner, rather than adversary, and was screwed royally.
    Then finally Putin decide that the only way to be respected is to be feared.
    Russia used the most disgusting regimes on this planet to make trouble for America: Iran, North Korea, then Syria and Turkey, too.