Sixty-three Days of Madness

By Victor Rosenthal

Israel has dived head on into pre-election madness, with commercials on social media (TV and radio commercials are not allowed until 26 March, thank goodness), text messages, wild and not-so-wild accusations and allegations, and – until the deadline for presenting party lists in two weeks – rumors of shifting alliances between parties and factions. It is hard to believe that on 9 April this will be over.

The actual contest is between the blocs of parties representing the Left and the Right. The Left continues to chant its mantra of democracy in danger, while the Right warns of a left-wing government that will repeat the errors of Oslo and the withdrawal from Gaza. While the poll numbers of the individual parties go up and down, the totals for the competing blocs change very little.

The fact is, there is a right-wing majority in Israel, for the very good reason that the twin traumas of Oslo and Gaza taught most of us a serious lesson. The Left pretends that its ideas today are more sophisticated than they were in 1993, but nobody is fooled. Even if the Left should propose to take the Arabs into the coalition – something that has never occurred before – barring the very unexpected, we will have another right-wing coalition.

Incidentally, the indictment of PM Binyamin Netanyahu for alleged corruption is not “unexpected.” It will happen, because the legal establishment, which leans leftward, wants it, and the similarly-biased media have been clamoring for it. Netanyahu and the Right have tried to weaken the power of the unelected establishment in media and the legal system, and the elites are fighting back with everything they have. But most voters who prefer Bibi believe that the things he is accused of are either small enough to be ignored, or constitute politics as usual. The probable indictment is already “priced into” the polls.

The major threat to the Right is the new Hosen l’Yisrael party (Resilience for Israel) party led by former Chief of Staff Benny Gantz, and including Moshe Ya’alon, a former Defense Minister and COS himself, probably along with yet another former COS, Gabi Ashkenazi. One would think that all this brass in one place would produce a right-wing party, but in Israel, ex-generals are often lefties (this is for historical reasons, and probably won’t be true in the future as more religious and Mizrachi officers are promoted). Gantz seems like a pleasant, honest, and dignified person, and some claim that he has the charisma that previous opposition figures lacked.

The party defines itself as “centrist” – Gantz claimed to be “neither Left nor Right,” but even in his initial speech, which was heavy on platitudes and vague promises, there were hints of a willingness to surrender parts of Judea and Samaria to the Arabs. He referred to the Jordan Valley as the “security border” of the state, something which leaves the door open to arrangements in which it would not be under full Israeli sovereignty. Apparently lacking political sense, he even praised the “disengagement” from Gaza in an interview published Wednesday. His party did well in initial polls after its launch, and may gain strength if Ashkenazi joins; it may even absorb Yair Lapid’s centrist Yesh Atid (There is a Future) party. But I don’t think it will ultimately take any right-of-center votes. The blocs are solid.

The Left argues somewhat shrilly that Netanyahu is destroying Israeli democracy and introducing fascism, citing his attacks on the media, and the legal establishment; his support for the Nation-State Law, and what they consider his populist style. None of this really hits the mark, except with those who are already opposed to him. The media and the legal establishment are biased against him, and shouldn’t be surprised when he hits back.

The accusations that Netanyahu is destroying democracy are not convincing, either. Polls consistently show that Netanyahu is the person that more people consider suitable to be Prime Minister than anyone else, which is prima facie evidence that democracy is functional. What his opponents mean, of course, is that Bibi opposes the unelected “gatekeepers” of liberalism in the form of the media and the legal and academic-cultural elites, who wish to turn the clock back to before 1977, when they controlled the political system. The public intuitively understands this, and likes the clock where it is today, thank you.

The Right has its problems, too. It has been unable to form a coalition without the Haredi parties, a real irritant for Israel’s secular majority, particularly the nearly 1 million from the former USSR, many of whom can’t satisfy the Haredi Chief Rabbinate that they are Jewish enough to get married in Israel. They would prefer to let localities make up their own minds about whether or not to allow stores and public transportation to operate on Shabbat.

Both sides promise to reduce the cost of living and especially the cost of housing, which has skyrocketed in recent years. I am not sure of the explanation, but here in Rehovot, there are new buildings under construction everywhere, and they are filling up. Enough people seem to be able to afford the expensive new apartments to keep the developers busy. Food and clothing are also expensive. The health-care system is stretched very thin: emergency rooms in some parts of the country are overflowing, there is a shortage of doctors and nurses, there are long waits for some procedures, and other problems. It’s not clear that anyone has a serious program to improve these things.

But nothing is more important than security. Israel will not forget Oslo and the consequences of it. The country was dragged by the delusional Left, into a situation in which we introduced our deadliest enemies into our midst, provided them with weapons and money, and watched them kill us. More than a thousand of our relatives, neighbors and friends, were murdered while riding buses, eating pizza, or attending Passover seders, as a direct result of the Oslo accords; and today, sixteen years after, we are still paying a price in terrorism. Instead of being honored, Shimon Peres and the others who let this happen – who made this happen – should have been prosecuted, or at least permanently banished from public life.

There is a good reason that the majority of Jewish Israelis simply don’t trust anyone to the left of the Likud, and this is it. Many Israelis would sooner have a picnic on the grass inside the lion exhibit at the Ramat Gan Safari park than put their lives in the hands of the ideological heirs of these criminally incompetent egotists.

I don’t think there is a harder job in the world than being Prime Minister of Israel. There’s no room for mistakes, and the consequences of making one follow quickly. If he screws up, he – and the nation – pay the price right away. At the same time, the constraints placed on the PM by the exigencies of the coalition system, the too-powerful Supreme Court and Attorney General, and the intrusive and hostile media, limit what he can do. He bears all the responsibility, but has insufficient authority to do his job.

Although military experience is a necessity for a Prime Minister or a Defense Minister, in order to understand the soldiers, and to be able to respond in their language. I think, though, that a professional soldier with no civilian political experience is rarely a good candidate for PM. Military politics are not the same as civilian politics, and international politics are another world entirely. Armies have interests, and they are not always identical to the nation’s interests. This is why civilian control of the military is necessary, and why someone who has recently stepped down from the role of Chief of Staff may not have the broad perspective necessary for a Prime Minister. The three former chiefs who became PMs (Rabin, Barak, and Sharon) were, in my estimation, poor Prime Ministers.

As I write, there are 63 days remaining until I exercise my right and responsibility again, to place a small piece of paper in a box to help choose the next Knesset and Prime Minister.

I can hardly wait!

February 8, 2019 | 2 Comments »

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  1. The Attorney General has committed yet another act of lawless tyranny: Banning candidates in the election (meaning mainly Netanyahu) from showing photos of themselves with Israeli soldiers. Whoever gave the attorney general the right to censor photos in a political campaign in a political campaign? Certainly not Israel’s laws. These acts of tyranny and arbitrary rule by a lawyer who has made himself an absolute dictator are truly outrageous. Why do Israelis put up with these outrages!

    AG to bar use of photos of politicians with IDF soldiers in election campaign
    Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit is expected to bar politicians from posting joint photos with Israel Defense Forces soldiers on their social media outlets in order to promote their election campaign.
    Follow Ynetnews on Facebook and Twitter

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who also serves as the defense minister, as well as members of his ruling Likud Party and members of other parties will not be allowed to use photos with IDF troops on their private Facebook and Twitter pages. They will also not be allowed to appear with the troops on billboards, however, the attorney general is expected to allow posting photo ops on official social media platforms.

    Netanyahu meets with soldiers from the 51st Battalion on the Gaza border (Photo: Amos Ben-Gershom, GPO)
    Netanyahu meets with soldiers from the 51st Battalion on the Gaza border (Photo: Amos Ben-Gershom, GPO)

    Mandelblit has been reviewing the issue after the Labor Party filed a petition to the Central Elections Committee Chairman, High Court of Justice Deputy Chief Hanan Melcer, calling on him to prevent further posts involving soldiers on politicians’ private social media accounts.

    In its appeal, Labor said that using the army to promote election campaign propaganda is prohibited according to the Knesset Elections Law. “Election propaganda will not be used in the IDF as to create the impression that the army is affiliated with a party or a list of candidates,” the law says.

    Following Labor’s petition, Military Advocate General Major General Sharon Afek began formulating an orderly procedure to apply to the prime minister and additional politicians visiting military units, Yedioth Ahronoth published earlier.

    Senior IDF officials said that the procedure is being formulated due to the vast amount of politicians who visit IDF bases during the election season, rather than because of Netanyahu, who as defense minister is allowed to visit army camps.

    Likud representatives said in response that “The nature of the photos is informative and serves the public’s right to know.”AG to bar use of photos of politicians with IDF soldiers in election campaign
    Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit is expected to bar politicians from posting joint photos with Israel Defense Forces soldiers on their social media outlets in order to promote their election campaign.
    Follow Ynetnews on Facebook and Twitter

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who also serves as the defense minister, as well as members of his ruling Likud Party and members of other parties will not be allowed to use photos with IDF troops on their private Facebook and Twitter pages. They will also not be allowed to appear with the troops on billboards, however, the attorney general is expected to allow posting photo ops on official social media platforms.

    Netanyahu meets with soldiers from the 51st Battalion on the Gaza border (Photo: Amos Ben-Gershom, GPO)
    Netanyahu meets with soldiers from the 51st Battalion on the Gaza border (Photo: Amos Ben-Gershom, GPO)

    Mandelblit has been reviewing the issue after the Labor Party filed a petition to the Central Elections Committee Chairman, High Court of Justice Deputy Chief Hanan Melcer, calling on him to prevent further posts involving soldiers on politicians’ private social media accounts.

    In its appeal, Labor said that using the army to promote election campaign propaganda is prohibited according to the Knesset Elections Law. “Election propaganda will not be used in the IDF as to create the impression that the army is affiliated with a party or a list of candidates,” the law says.

    Following Labor’s petition, Military Advocate General Major General Sharon Afek began formulating an orderly procedure to apply to the prime minister and additional politicians visiting military units, Yedioth Ahronoth published earlier.

    Senior IDF officials said that the procedure is being formulated due to the vast amount of politicians who visit IDF bases during the election season, rather than because of Netanyahu, who as defense minister is allowed to visit army camps.

    Likud representatives said in response that “The nature of the photos is informative and serves the public’s right to know.”

  2. According to today’s poll. disunity on the Right will likely cause it the election. Why don’t the nationalist parties unite!? Madness to allow their petty disagreements to throw the election to Gantz and what’s his name of Yesh Atid, even though the right-wing parties will probably get a majority of the votes.

    Poll: Disunity on the Israeli right could cost it the election
    If right-wing parties run separately, 17 mandates could be lost. Labor also in danger of failing to cross threshold. Otzma tops Jewish Home.

    Rabbi Rafi Peretz
    The Israeli right could potentially win this year’s Knesset election and still lose power, a new poll released Friday morning shows.

    According to the survey, conducted by the Maagar Mohot polling firm on behalf of Israel Hayom and i24NEWS, current coalition partners in the Likud-led government, along with other right-wing factions, could cost the right-wing and religious bloc a total of 17 mandates if no new alliances are formed.

    To enter the Knesset, a party list must get at least 3.25% of all valid votes, or approximately 140,000 to 145,000, given projections of likely voter turnout.

    Any party which fails to receive more than 3.25% of the vote is denied representation in the Knesset – even if it received enough votes for one, two, or even three seats.

    In 2015, a joint list of the Yahad party, led by former Interior Minister Eli Yishai, and the right-wing Otzma Yehudit party, narrowly failed to cross the threshold, receiving 2.97% of the vote.

    The new Maagar Mohot poll shows a large number of parties which currently enjoy Knesset representation failing to cross the threshold.

    If new elections were held today, the Likud would remain the largest faction, with 29 seats, followed by former IDF Chief of Staff Benny Gantz’s Israel Resilience Party with 17.

    Yesh Atid comes in a distant third with 11 seats, followed by the predominantly Arab Joint List with 9 mandates.

    Both the New Right, led by Naftali Bennett, and the United Torah Judaism party would receive seven seats, while the far-left Meretz would rise from five seats to six. Shas would fall from seven to just five seats, its poorest showing in decades.

    The Labor party, which has declined steadily in the polls over the past year, would barely cross the threshold, winning just four seats. In 2015, a joint list of Labor and the smaller Hatnuah faction won 24 seats. Today, Hatnuah is projected to win enough votes for a single seat – but would fail to cross the threshold.

    In addition, the Arab nationalist faction Ta’al, led by former Arafat adviser MK Ahmed Tibi, would narrowly fail to clear the threshold, receiving votes equivalent to three seats.

    The right and center-right would suffer greater net losses from parties failing to cross the electoral threshold, however.

    Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s Kulanu party, which won 10 seats in 2015, would plummet to just 3 if new elections were held today – and fail to cross the threshold.

    In addition, former Defense Minister Avidgor Liberman’s Yisrael Beytenu party, which won six seats in 2015, would fall to just three mandates, and also fail to cross the threshold.

    If the Jewish Home and National Union lists, which ran together in 2013 and 2015, fail to reach an agreement for a joint run, each faction would receive enough votes for just two seats apiece – and fail to enter the Knesset.

    The right-wing Otzma Yehudit, led by former Kach party activists Michael Ben-Ari and Baruch Marzel, would receive enough votes for three seats, but fail to cross the threshold, while Eli Yishai’s Yahad would receive votes equivalent to two seats.

    Moshe Feiglin’s Zehut would also receive enough votes for two seats.

    In total, the right-wing and religious bloc would win the 64 seats, including those parties which fail to cross the threshold. A total of 17 of those mandates would go to parties which fail to cross the threshold, however, compared to just 4 mandates going to left-wing or Arab factions which fail to cross the threshold.

    Votes for parties which fail to cross the threshold are divided up among the factions which do cross the threshold, in proportion to their overall share of the vote, thus benefitting larger factions more.

    With the second and third largest parties being Israel Resilience and Yesh Atid, the right-wing would likely lose its majority in the Knesset – despite receiving the majority of the vote.