Realistic defense aid

T. Belman. US aid to Israel should be part of their defense budget not their Foreign Aid budget. As part of the former the money that comes to Israel, of which Israel must spend 75% in the US, is way less than 1% of their defense budget. In many cases if the US doesn’t strengthen us they will have to strengthen themselves. That’s because they rely on our military strength and our human intelligence which costs a lot of money.

By Zalman Shoval, ISRAEL HAYOM

In his recent brief to the government on the delays in the negotiations for U.S. defense aid to Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not criticize the Obama administration, and he certainly did not “threaten” it, as some in the Israeli media suggested. He simply said that if the proposed aid package failed to meet Israel’s security needs, negotiations would have to continue, even if it meant they stretched beyond the current administration.

Meanwhile, talks between American and Israeli security officials are continuing as usual, and in recent days American officials met with their Israeli counterparts in the National Security Council, the Defense and Foreign ministries and the Israel Defense Forces.

The real reason for the delay stems from budgetary developments in the U.S., which have no direct link to Israel.

Three months ago, U.S. President Barack Obama announced that in view of the major domestic financial needs in the fields of healthcare, infrastructure, social issues, etc., he will not meet the Pentagon’s demands for a significant increase in the defense budget, but it seems he has recently changed his position and agreed to increase defense spending by billions.

Washington officials said this turnaround was the result of the geopolitical and strategic changes that have taken place in the global theater, including Islamic State’s growing presence, and the potential and concrete conflicts with Russia in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, and with China in the Far East.

It is no secret that a significant number of items in the U.S.’s current and projected defense inventory are also on Israel’s defense wish list. The defense package being formulated does, however, debate the numbers and types of system made available to Israel.

As one who has been party to numerous successful negotiations with two American administrations, in four Israeli governments, I can attest to the fact that these issues have risen in the past, over the standard annual defense package afforded to Israel, as well as over special aid agreements. These debates were not devoid of various American diplomatic conditions and restrictions, some of which had little to do with the issue at hand.

This is the way state-level negotiations are held, but the U.S.’s commitment to Israel’s defense and security has never been questioned, nor is it questioned now.

If the American strategic outlook has changed over global geopolitical developments, then it is doubly true of Israel, which must contend with a post-Iran deal reality, the unpredictable turmoil in Syria and Iraq and the overall regional instability, affected by, among other things, Islamic State, Hezbollah and Hamas.

Israel believes the situation mandates increased American defense aid that would allow Israel to acquire advanced attack aircraft, missile defense systems, cyber equipment and technology, and — according to foreign media reports — advanced countermeasures to fight the tunnel threat, as well as the means to counter threats posed by Iran’s aggressive regional policies and the loopholes in its deal with the West.

One can only hope that Israel and the U.S. will make the necessary effort to conclude negotiations before the current administration’s term ends. This is most likely what Netanyahu will tell Obama when they meet at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee conference next month.