Israel has a new IDF chief: Here are the challenges waiting for him

T. Belman. When push comes to shove the IDF takes orders from the Cabinet on at least pre-emptive action and rules of engagement.

West Bank terror, Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, Syria, sociopolitical crisis and tech revolutions are all on deck for Herzi Halevi.

By By Jonah Jeremy Bob, JPOST   20.1.23

What is IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi’s biggest challenge?

His biggest challenge regarding the West Bank terrorism wave will be trying to press some advantages the IDF has gained from its Operation Breaking the Wave dating back to spring 2022, while possibly running into headwinds in relations between the Palestinian Authority and the new Netanyahu government.

Some statistics show the IDF has made great progress in killing or arresting large numbers of terrorists, seizing their weapons and completing portions of the West Bank security barrier that had been left vulnerable and incomplete for nearly two decades.

Other statistics show that a certain level of increased terrorist attacks are still emanating from the West Bank despite all of the IDF efforts. Also, many attackers have been “lone wolves” – meaning they are not part of an organization which could have been tracked more easily.

If the PA starts to cooperate less with the IDF because of its dislike of the policies of the Netanyahu government, it will be even harder to bring the 10-month long struggle to an end.

But the longer the wave lasts, besides the wounded and killed Israelis and sometimes collateral harm to Palestinian civilians caught in the middle, strategically, the situation forces elite troops and reserves to “waste” their time on a threat less grave than the threats posed to the northern and southern fronts.

Halevi is expected to try to extract as many IDF units from the West Bank as possible over the next several months, provided he can calm the area. His first meeting as IDF chief was with the commander dealing with the issue, showing how seriously he views the situation.

Hezbollah’s 150,000 rockets threat remains Israel’s greatest near-term threat, and Halevi is expected to continue the policy of all IDF chiefs since the Second Lebanon War of collecting intelligence on potential targets and training aggressively so as to deter Hezbollah.

No one has a brilliant idea that can erase the Hezbollah threat without taking on tremendous risk, such that Halevi is not expected to initiate a preemptive strike on Hezbollah unless some other regional circumstances change.

Kohavi also recently told the Post that he did not expect Hezbollah to even intervene if there were a general war with Iran, with Halevi expected to hold similar views.

Regarding Iran’s nuclear program, Halevi has been part of the IDF Military Intelligence consensus that even if the Islamic Republic weaponizes its uranium, it would remain two years from being able to deliver a nuclear weapon.

This means he will not be excited about preemptively striking Iran in the near future, even as he will want to be prepared to do so if ordered by the cabinet.

Halevi and the IDF have become increasingly concerned about Hamas seeking to kidnap Israeli soldiers to break the current logjam in negotiations over a prisoner exchange between the sides.

Hamas has been frustrated that its different efforts – from rockets to tunnels to fire balloons to border protests – have not yielded much in concrete achievements.

It knows exactly what it can expect from Halevi if it starts another conflict, since he was in charge of IDF southern operations during the May 2021 Gaza war.

In the Syrian theater, Halevi has been part of the consensus pushing for the “war between the wars” campaign against Iranians who are trying to establish a second front against Israel in the north.

In past positions, close associates of his said, he was ready to take calculated risks to improve future security. In that sense, he is expected to continue the policy.

However, he may encourage Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to keep a lower profile regarding such strikes since, at least to date, he has been less interested in media attention than Kohavi.

In the domestic sphere, Halevi sent a veiled warning signal in his opening speech to elements of the new Netanyahu government interested in seizing power over portions of the IDF.

“We will protect the unified IDF as focused on expertise, professionalism and values, and free from any consideration that is not security-related,” he said.

The new government gave Bezalel Smotrich not only the Finance Ministry, but also a portfolio within the Defense Ministry with undefined influence over the work of the Civil Administration of Judea and Samaria, which has traditionally been run by the IDF.

Netanyahu gave the Shas Party some kind of undefined role in consulting over the appointment of the IDF’s chief rabbi.

Other undefined powers over the Border Police were given to National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, a function significantly filled with IDF soldiers, and where traditionally the IDF chief sets their rules of engagement.

In addition, the government will likely pass a draft law that would reduce the legal obligation of haredim to serve in the IDF.

All indications from sources close to Halevi are that he will stand up fiercely for the IDF’s independence on all of these issues, and regarding rules of engagement would be more likely to withdraw IDF involvement in the Border Police than to allow Ben-Gvir to give his troops orders.

This potential threat, which Kohavi himself has voiced, could be enough to reduce the impact that Ben-Gvir has in that specific area, though the issue could lead to a blowup.

After all of these estimates regarding Halevi’s policies, there is another story that the Post has been told previously about Halevi by former IDF intelligence chief (2001-2006) Aharon Ze’evi Farkash, which maybe gives the greatest indication of how creative and independent he is ready to be.

Back when Farkash was chief of Military Intelligence, Halevi was still a mid-level lieutenant-colonel, at the time commander of the IDF’s elite reconnaissance unit.

Using metaphors to avoid revealing classified information, Farkash said, “I won’t forget the event. Halevi needed to go into a ‘zoo’ to find a ‘specific old elephant,’ to lift its left leg up and to see what was written on it.”

Halevi approached Farkash for his approval to use additional military resources for the operation beyond what Halevi could sign off on by himself.

Farkash recounted that he witnessed a debate between Halevi and an IDF technology expert about how many soldiers and how many ropes would need to be involved to lift what he referred to metaphorically as: the “elephant’s leg.” The technological expert suggested two soldiers, but Halevi was adamant about using a rope.

Despite Halevi’s view that the mission could not be accomplished with two soldiers, Farkash decided in favor of the technological expert.

Yet, when Farkash arrived to attend a rehearsal of the operation, including a physical mock-up, he noted that Halevi had ignored his decision and moved ahead with his single rope idea.

Traveling back to that moment, he described when “his eyes met Halevi’s determined eyes, and I understood I couldn’t harm his authority in front of his unit, but I also needed to stand up for the authority of the IDF intelligence chief.”

Farkash, who is a big fan of Halevi, told the story with the bottom line that the new IDF chief is daring, confident and committed to the mission no matter what, and “had a laser-like ability to accomplish unusual and incredible tasks,” predicting even before his appointment that “he would be one of the best IDF chiefs.” •