Inbar: “Israel is winning. Time is on her side.”

Inbar is right. Israel is winning and time is on its side. He also points out that Bibi has done a good job of keeping the (Israeli public solidly behind him, which is necessary to maintain his stance over the long haul. There is no point in bowing to the hotheads. He will only lose the support he needs. Ted Belman

Still far from ready for statehood

By Efraim Inbar, The Australian

EARLIER this year, Mahmoud Abbas made the decision to cut off the Palestine Liberation Organisation’s negotiations with Israel and go next month to the UN to bid for state recognition. There, a US veto at the Security Council is expected, while at the General Assembly a large majority is likely to endorse a motion recognising a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders.

Such a resolution is not binding in international law, but its prospects have elicited negative reactions from Israel, the US and part of the international community that deplore the Palestinian unilateral approach and fear the consequences of a UN resolution. Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak even warned of an impending “diplomatic tsunami”.

Those fears are greatly exaggerated. The UN lacks legitimacy. It is a morally bankrupt institution, giving equal voice to the worst aggressors and human rights offenders. It is unclear how a resolution at the UN, a powerless institution, could make a dent in a century-old ethnic conflict in the Holy Land. What can it do to implement the General Assembly recommendations? The only consequence is negative, reinforcing Palestinian intransigence.

Unfortunately, General Assembly resolutions cannot fix a Palestinian national movement that is hopelessly fractured and dysfunctional.

The UN cannot turn the Palestinian factions into one political entity. Can the UN bring Gaza and the West Bank together to present reasonable interlocutors for Israeli negotiators? Can it mellow Hamas’s lust to kill Jews and to eradicate Israel? Can it eradicate the “shaheed” death culture?

Is the UN in a position to infuse pragmatism into Palestinian political culture?

The Palestinians insist on the invented “right of return” for Palestinian refugees, which most of the world sees as an unrealistic demand and an obstacle to peace. The Palestinians are trying to deny Jewish history in Jerusalem. They are still not ready to concede that they lost the struggle over Jerusalem, a united capital city that the Jews will adamantly defend. Israel is unquestionably stronger and time is on its side. Nevertheless, the Palestinians remain “bad losers”, not willing to make a pragmatic deal in order to achieve statehood.

The UN cannot deliver a state. It can change neither the facts nor Palestinian behaviour. The Palestinians had two historic opportunities to build a state, in 1948 and in 1993, but both were squandered by terrible leadership. Recently, we have observed somewhat more successful efforts at state-building by Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. While he is arguably the best thing that has happened to the Palestinians in their short history, his popularity among his people is quite low, indicating the dysfunctional character of Palestinian politics. The image of a booming Ramallah, the fruit of Fayyad’s efforts, is somewhat misleading.

Can the PA survive without begging for international support every few months? Can it cut down its bloated and corrupt bureaucracy to enable it to build a healthy economy?

The much lauded US-trained Palestinian troops have yet to meet the real test in the main mission of state-building: monopoly over the use of force.

Illegal weapons abound, posing an extraordinary domestic security challenge. Can these troops be trusted to fight a serious challenge from Hamas or will we see them collapse just as an earlier version of US-trained Palestinian troops did in Gaza?

Actually, it is regular Israeli military incursions against the Hamas infrastructure in the West Bank that keeps the PA safe. Were Israel to take a decision to deny access to its labour market and cease money transfers and many services, the result could be lethal.

The PLO leadership realises that its options against Israel are limited and that another terrorist campaign would be extremely destructive to the Palestinians.

The power differential between a democratic, prosperous and militarily strong Israel and corrupt, autocratic and fragmented Palestinian entities is only growing.

Israel won the first two intifadas and can do so again. It is preparing for Palestinian non-violent actions that could affect its image abroad and at home. Adequate planning and training might minimise the inevitable damage resulting from clashes between soldiers and civilians.

The main challenge to Israel is, however, not on the diplomatic front, where it is doing better than its critics think. The Arab world, in the throes of a socio-political crisis, is hardly able to do anything but pay lip-service in support of a Palestinian state. Israel’s diplomats managed to prevent an international flotilla from breaking the Gaza naval siege. Israel has also been successful in procuring international understanding for its demand to be recognised by the Palestinians as a Jewish state. Furthermore, Washington is solidly behind Jerusalem on most issues, while the strategic relationship is hardly affected by differences on peace negotiations.

What is at stake, however, is Israel’s cohesion. A united Israel behind a government perceived as doing enough for securing peace can sustain protracted conflict. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s stable government meets these requirements. A huge number of Israelis strongly believe that the Palestinians are not ready to make the necessary concessions for peace. A UN resolution is unlikely to change public opinion in Israel, which regards this body as incompetent and hostile.

The upheaval in the Arab world indicates there is greater need for caution. Unless we see the emergence of a more pragmatic Palestinian leadership, the conflict will continue.

Efraim Inbar is professor of political studies at Bar-Ilan University and director of the Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies. This article first appeared on bitterlemons.org

September 1, 2011 | 2 Comments »

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  1. Inbar is right. Israel is winning and time is on its side. He also points out that Bibi has done a good job of keeping the (Israeli public solidly behind him, which is necessary to maintain his stance over the long haul. There is no point in bowing to the hotheads. He will only lose the support he needs. Ted Belman

    Inbar Quote:

    What is at stake, however, is Israel’s cohesion. A united Israel behind a government perceived as doing enough for securing peace can sustain protracted conflict.

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s stable government meets these requirements. A huge number of Israelis strongly believe that the Palestinians are not ready to make the necessary concessions for peace. A UN resolution is unlikely to change public opinion in Israel, which regards this body as incompetent and hostile.

    Your statement does not exactly mesh with what Inbar said. A stable government in a coalition is only stable as long as it’s constituent parties support the leading party. It has less to do with BB and the Likud current policies than A- lack of any strong opposition party and opposition leader. it has to do with our undemocratic and dysfunctional political system more than being most favored based on any specific political criteria.

    Great expectations of anti-government protesters and Israeli media to topple Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu were pipe dreams, according to a new poll carried out Sunday. Even secular Israelis think that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is the most qualified politician to lead the country.


    The “Maagar Mohot” – Brain Base – poll, supervised by Prof. Yitzchak Katz, was reported by Channel 10 television as revealing that one-third of the respondents said Prime Minister Netanyahu is the “most appropriate” person to serve as leader of the country.

    Most polls usually fail to give anyone a majority, and Prime Minister Netanyahu’s backing is nearly double that of his nearest competitor, Opposition leader Tzipi Livni .

    Only 19 percent think she is the most qualified person to serve in the position of Prime Minister, and in third place was government coalition partner Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, with 11 percent. Backing for Ehud Barak, who left the Labor party to form a new faction, was neglible.

    Slightly more than one-fourth of the respondents did not choose anyone as being appropriate to lead the country.

    Significantly, 32 percent of secular Israelis between the ages of 18 and 30 chose Prime Minister Netanyahu, followed by 24 percent for Lieberman and 23 percent for Livni. The figures disprove a claim by left-wing politician and media personality Yair Lapid, who said on Sunday that the protest movement is comprised mainly of secularists who represent what he said is the largest minority in the country.

    Support for Netanyahu jumped to 53 percent among new immigrants, compared with only 2 percent for Livni and 1 percent for Lieberman.

    Nearly half – 48 percent – said the social protests would not change their decision on whom to vote for in the next Knesset elections in 2013. Those who said the protests would affect their decision numbered 37 percent, with 11 percent saying they were not sure. However, their choice for Prime Minister reflects the current strength in the Knesset of the Likud party, headed by Netanyahu, while showing lesser support for Livni’s Kadima party.

    B-All that seems to be lacking is a credible and charismatic personality to challenge BB and he done for…!!Yamit