Ukraine, Iran, Taiwan: Biden’s Perfect Storm?

Biden needs to assure his Indo-Pacific allies that the United States is capable of managing simultaneous crises in both Europe and East Asia. So far, he’s doing it

By Alon Pinkas, HAARETZ

Ukrainian soldiers take part in an exercise for the use of NLAW anti-tank missiles in January 

In a matter of weeks or months, Joe Biden may face the perfect foreign-policy storm: three crises in three places of strategic importance: Europe, the Indo-Pacific and the Middle East. If all goes badly, this convergence may generate tectonic shifts in the international system. If managed competently, it could reassert American supremacy, even if temporarily.

This perfect storm isn’t necessarily a bad thing for the United States, which would gain a chance to enhance its diplomatic standing, strengthen existing alliances, accelerate the building of new ones and recalibrate strategic priorities in a world still perplexed by America’s erratic behavior and the credibility deficit of the Trump years. As the saying goes, never waste a good crisis, because it contains potentially positive outcomes.

The Ukraine crisis, the policy of containing China and a possible evolving crisis in Taiwan, as well as a return to the Iranian nuclear deal will simultaneously test U.S. priorities, policies, alliance management and leadership.

Thus far, the Biden administration has been aware of the link between the three crises and has lucidly analyzed the dynamics. America’s grand strategic thinking identifies the following contours.

To begin with, Ukraine is a peripheral theater; nobody in Washington loses sleep over who controls the Donbas region. But the crisis represents a tacitly coordinated Chinese-Russian attempt to gradually restructure the U.S.-dominated world order. It also tests America’s resolve and Biden’s pledge to nurture alliances and multilateral diplomacy.

The first link being made between the crises employs a bit of flimsy conventional wisdom: If the United States fails to stand up to Russia on Ukraine, China will see this as a clear sign of American weakness and indecision. Beijing will feel emboldened to project power and in due time destabilize Taiwan. If in between Washington reenters the nuclear deal, which the United States withdrew from in 2018, Republicans in Congress will try to hinder the new agreement and Iran will make clear it realizes that a possible Republican administration in 2025 could breach the deal once again.

According to the critics, this sequence would be catastrophic for the United States, so Washington must be more aggressive on the Ukrainian issue.

This is a flimsy assumption for three reasons. First, the U.S. response to Russian threats to invade Ukraine has come in the right dosage.

This approach has featured a balanced three-pronged policy mix whose first two aspects are consolidating the NATO alliance and threatening unequivocally that harsh sanctions against Russia are available. The third aspect is a novel tool: constant dissemination of intelligence on “what Russia is planning,” from proof of a Russian false flag operation providing a bogus pretext for an invasion, to an NBC report Thursday on Russia’s alleged nine routes of invasion.

While intra-NATO cohesion isn’t perfect, Vladimir Putin’s goal of sowing disunity has failed; he has arguably strengthened NATO and given it the raison d’être it lacked for over a decade. While no one really knows what Putin’s intentions are, he seems to have been – at least at this stage – outmaneuvered. Yes, he does control the escalation process, but it’s increasingly difficult to see how Russia benefits from either an invasion or a prolonged diplomatic stalemate.

The one aspect the United States must be sensitive about is being distracted by the Ukraine crisis because of its immediacy, as opposed to the longer-term crisis brewing in the Pacific Rim. As Secretary of State Antony Blinken travels to Australia, Biden needs to assure his Indo-Pacific allies that the United States is capable of managing simultaneous crises in both Europe and East Asia.

Second, at no point has Washington indicated a policy shift that reprioritizes Ukraine over China. Furthermore, it’s doubtful that China views Ukraine as a test case. The same argument was wrongly made when the United States withdrew from Afghanistan.

In fact, if anyone in Beijing hoped Biden would reverse Donald Trump’s blatant hostility toward China and revert to Barack Obama’s approach of trying to co-opt the Chinese into an American world order, the exact opposite has happened. Not only has the Biden administration defined China as the major threat to the United States for decades to come, it has actively sought new alliances in the Indo-Pacific: the Quad – the United States, India, Japan and Australia, and AUKUS – Australia, the United Kingdom and United States.

Moreover, China has become perhaps the only major bipartisan policy approach in Washington.

Third, as for the Iranian nuclear agreement, there is absolutely no causal relationship between a deal being concluded or not and U.S. policy on Ukraine or China. The consensus in Washington is that an agreement deal is attainable but far from certain since Iran is somewhat hesitant. If there is no deal, U.S. foreign policy won’t be damaged.

Pesky Republicans

Despite Israel’s critical and belligerent rhetoric, Iran isn’t a major American priority. Washington will have to weigh its options if Iran proceeds with its nuclear program. It’s already regarded as a de facto “nuclear threshold state,” but that status falls within a wide spectrum, and if Iran continues to enrich uranium at 60 percent and hint that it’s considering military-grade status at 90 percent, that will present the United States with a challenge.

The crises link up if there is an agreement. Iran expectedly failed in its attempt to win assurances from the United States that a different president, in 2025 or 2029, wouldn’t withdraw and reimpose sanctions without justification, as happened in 2018. If a new president abrogates the agreement, U.S. credibility will be tarnished. If Iran declares now that it realizes that this could happen, Washington’s allies in Europe and East Asia will take note.

Republicans in Congress will try to undermine the agreement, in part by invoking the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act of 2015, which gives Congress the right of review. Biden, however, isn’t constitutionally required to submit a deal to Congress, and even if he did, it’s questionable whether Congress would have enough votes to override a presidential veto if he submitted it and a majority on the Hill voted against.

The critical link – China is watching Ukraine, allies are watching the Iran deal – is on shaky ground, but there is clearly a substantive link: The three crises, particularly Ukraine and China, present the United States with an opportunity to deflect Chinese and Russian aspirations to remodel the international order, create spheres of influence and downsize America’s post-1991 dominance. The confluence of these three focal points creates the impression of turmoil, but they also give the United States a chance to rise to the occasion.

February 12, 2022 | 11 Comments »

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  1. This is a comment that I just posted on YouTube’s rebroadcast of Tucker Calrlson’s commentary of Feb. 9, in which he accuses Biden of risking a war with Russia for no reason:

    Much as I greatly admire and respect both Tucker Carlson and Tulsi Gabbard, I think that they misread the situation. The U.S. has stated publicly that it will not intervene militarily if Russia invades Ukraine, only impose unspecified economic sanctions. No other NATO country has said that they will intervene militarily in a Russia-Ukraine war. The u.S. has at most a few hundred soldiers in Ukraine. It has sent only 3,000 troops to reinforce NATO forces in Europe. Putin does not have any rational basis for fearing a NATO invasion of Russia. I don’t believe he does. His desire to restore Russia’s past power and glory is very understandable. But it does not justify threats to invade a neighbor, Ukraine, that does not pose a military threat to Russia.

  2. @Adam Dalgliesh

    I have explained all this several times

    The problem with you explanations is that they have nothing to do with reality and, instead, rehash some abstract dogmas.

  3. @Reader. As I have explained on numerous occasions, when a great power breaks it written treaties and agreements, especially when it uses force to do this, the other powers won’t trust them. That makes any future agreements with the othe powers, such as arms limitation and reduction agreements, nearly impossible. It also leads to a general loss of trust betweenthe powers, and that often leads to war eventually. Not good.

    Another problem created when a major power breaks its treaties and violates international frontiers, other countries consider this a precedent and are likely to follow suit. That increases agression and chaos around the world. For example, if Russia invades Ukraine and the NATO countries don’t intervene to force a Russian withdrawal, Iran may decide to attack Israel, even directly or through its Hamas-Hezbollah proxies, in the belief the the U.S. and other NATO countries won’t give Israel any meaningful assistance or retaliate against Iran. China will interpret a weak NATO response to a Russian invasion of Ukraine by concluding that the West will not react strongly if it attacks Taiwan and/or India, and it is therefore worth the risk to undertake these agressive acts.

    I have explained all this several times, but I guess I haven’t been able to get through to you.

  4. @ Adam Dalgliesh

    I don’t see why you keep rehashing those 1991 FSU-Ukrainian agreements which are long dead.

    I already responded to this reasoning of yours in detail on another thread but, I guess, it didn’t get through to you.

  5. I believe the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 was wrong. Its sending troops to Afghanistan to oust the al-Quaida organization from the country had some initial justification, perhaps, but the prolonged u.S. occupation and the imposition of unpopular governments there was wrong. So in my opinion was the U.S. occupation of southern Vietnam 1961-73.

    However, it should also be pointed out that the U.S. never went so far as to claim sovereignty over these nations. And it has now withdrawn its soldiers from Afghanistan and all but a handful of its soldiers from Iraq. These wrong actions by the U.S. in the past, which the last two administrations in the u.S. have made some efforts to rectify, don’t justify Putin’s threats to Ukraine and other East European countries.

  6. I agree with this author that the U.S. faces a “perfect storm” of threats from Russia , Iran and China. Everything else he says is b______t. It is just an apologia for the Biden administration, which is utterly incapable of responding effectively to these threats to world peace.

    I disagree with Vivarto that Russia is just protecting its national security. Russia signed an agreement with Ukraine recognizing its independence in 1991, recognizing its independence and even its sovereignty over the Crimea. A nation cannot simply univlaterally repudiate a treaty and use military force to change an international border without creating a “material breach” of international law and a threat to world peace.

    There is also the obvious fact that the Ukrainian people want their country to be independent of Russia, and are even willing to fight to defend their independence. No country, no matter how powerful, has a right to annex another against its people’s will. This is equivalent in international relations of rape.

    It is also true that the United States has repeatedly meddled in the internal affairs of other countries, mainly although not exclusively in Latian America and the Caribbean. That is also wrong. But two wrongs, even umpteenth wrongs, don’t add up to a right.

  7. @Vivarto I agree. He has said as much and his policies have been pretty consistent if you look at it from that angle. Trump the warmonger gave us unprecedented peace and Biden, like Obama, the peacemaker is plunging the world into war. Right out of Orwell’s “1984”.

    War is peace, freedom is slavery, ignorance is strength.”

    However, the point I was making was that the article makes contradictory assertions, about Putin as well. I’ve never read such a weird article.

  8. @Sebastien Zorn

    Well, I think it is very clear what Putin wants.
    He wants national security for his country.
    He is reacting in the same way America would should Mexico try to join China, or make a defensive pact with China and get Chinese rockets and other weapons on the border.

  9. Hilarious. This article reads as though it were not only written by committee, but one whose members don’t agree, didn’t read what the others wrote, and assigned an administrative assistant to cut and paste.

    The Biden administration’s handling of foreign policy has been confused and adroit and China does and does not see Ukraine as a litmus test, the US does and does not care about Ukraine, in fact everybody and novmbody does, Putin id a menace and he’s inscrutable; nobody knows what he wants.