The Bedouin problem

This article is written by two notorious anti-Zionists and was published by Al Jazeera. The authors explain a lot but leave out the most crucial part. The Bedouin have placed their structures on land they don’t own. The Jews aren’t allowed to do that either.  It is the prerogative of the state to decide where communities are to be built and according to what building standards. The Arabs ignore this prerogative and illegally squat where they like on land they don’t own.  In so doing they occupy many times more land per person then properly planned communities do. The Bedouin are the fastest growing population in the world.

Be sure to read all articles on this subject by Regavim. And read: Amid global focus on Jewish construction, NGO counters illegal Arab building and ‘There is No More Negev – the Bedouins Took It’

The authors consider the Bedouin to be indigenous . Not so, Are the Negev Bedouin an Indigenous People?
Ted Belman

On June 24th the “Prawer Plan for the Arrangement of Bedouin-Palestinian Settlement in the Negev” passed its first reading in the Israeli parliament. If implemented, the Plan will constitute “the largest single act of forced displacement of Arab citizens of Israel since the 1950s”, expelling an estimated forty thousand Palestinian Bedouin from their current dwellings.

The Plan’s ultimate objective is to Judaize the Israeli Negev. In order to do this, however, seventy thousand (out of 200,000) Bedouin who currently live in villages classified as ‘unrecognised’ by the Israeli government must be moved. The government already forbids them from connecting to the electricity grid or the water and sewage systems.

Construction regulations are also harshly enforced, and in 2011 alone about a thousand Bedouin homes and animal pens – usually referred to by the government as mere “structures” – were demolished. There are no paved roads, and signposts from main roads to the villages are removed by government authorities. The villages are not shown on maps, since as a matter of official geography, the places inhabited by these second-class citizens of Israel do not exist.

The government has, for years, argued that because these people live in small villages scattered across a relatively large area, it cannot provide them with basic services and therefore its objective has been to concentrate them in a few townships.

Consequently, in 2009 Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu appointed his planning policy chief, Ehud Prawer, to liberate the “Jewish land”. Prawer’s main task was to relocate these seventy thousand Bedouin who have refused to sign over their property rights to the State and have continued living in their “unrecognised villages”.

The logic informing the plan is actually best expressed in There is a Solution, a 2010 report published by a settler NGO called Regavim (The National Land Protection Trust), which has been working in conjunction with several government agencies.  The report maintains that the Negev’s Bedouin inhabitants “rob” the Jewish people “of the Land of Israel…ever so quietly, without the roar of battle and clamour of war.”

“On this battlefield”, the organisation continues, cement mixers have replaced tanks, ploughs replace cannons and innocent-looking civilians replace uniformed soldiers….  Acre after acre, house after house, buying, squatting, illegally cultivating the soil that is not theirs, sometimes with guile, other times with violence, with huge sums of money and firmly backed by anti-Zionist organisations in Israel and abroad – Israel is losing its hold on the Jewish people’s lands.

Regavim further maintains that Israel has until now “offered the Bedouins ‘carrots’ – but never a ‘stick’”, claiming that through their “criminal activity” these Beduin are colonizing the land and thus threatening to “put an end to the Jewish future of the Southern region”.

Citing Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s famous declaration that “The Negev is the test of the nation in Israel”, Regavim offers a four stage solution to counter this threat, which includes curbing “illegal Bedouin construction”, preparing the population for removal, evacuating all the “illegal populations”, and then transferring them to legal settlements.

Finally, the government must prepare for “the day after” and not allow “matters to return to their original state”. “Original state” refers to the existing situation, which in Regavim’s view is characterised by the invasion of Jewish space by Palestinian “illegal populations”. According to this narrative, space is, by definition, Jewish and therefore non-Jewish presence is a form of contamination – and the stake of Ben-Gurion’s test.

This is precisely the reasoning behind Prawer’s stick and the way the Palestinian Bedouin have been depicted and treated in the public sphere for years. Responding to a petition submitted to the High Court of Justice against the evacuation of Bedouin villages near the southern town of Arad, the town’s deputy mayor told journalists that the claims of the “insolent invaders” are “disingenuous”.

Numerous articles have used the term invader when describing Bedouin activity in southern Israel, while a popular news website notes that the Bedouin have begun invading the country’s central region. Even in a Ha’aretz opinion piece, which supported the High Court of Justice’s ruling against the government practice of spraying poison on “illegal Bedouin agricultural fields”, the author refers to the Bedouin population using the term invader.

This transformation of the indigenous into an invader or a “Palestinian settler” – to borrow the phrase recently used by Deputy Defense Minister Danny Danon – is key to understanding not only the Prawer Plan, but also the very logic of the State of Israel. In a context in which Palestinians have been systematically alienated and elided from history and geography, the constitution of the Palestinian native as an illegal subject or foreign invader serves as the condition of possibility for “Judiazing” the land.

The ethos in which all this is being played out is grounded in Israel’s ethnocratic commitment to dispossess the non-Jews, which is cynically elevated to an act of self-defence and, ultimately, justice.

Neve Gordon is currently a member at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, and is the author of Israel’s Occupation. He can be reached through his website. 

Nicola Perugini is an anthropologist who teaches at the Al Quds Bard Honors College in Jerusalem. He is currently member at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton.