1967 legal opinion on “Settlement in the Administered Territories”

The Israeli Foreign Ministry wrote on Sept 18, 1967.

TOP SECRET

To : Mr Adi Yafeh, Political Secretary to the Prime Minister
From : Legal Adviser, Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Subject: Settlement in the Administered Territories

At your and Mr Raviv’s request, I am enclosing herewith a copy of my
memorandum of 14.9.67 on the above subject, which I submitted to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. My conclusion is that civilian settlement in the administered territories contravenes explicit provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Regards,
[signed]
T. Meron

Here is the attached memorandum:

14.9.67 TOP SECRET

Minister of Foreign Affairs
Legal Adviser

Most Urgent

Subject: Settlement in the Administered Territories

Mr Raviv wrote to me to say you had asked for my opinion “on restrictions and dispensations under international law for occupying states where it concerns the cultivation of lands”.

The above question is very general and difficult to answer but I understand it in the context of what I have heard from Mr Adi Yafeh, that is to say, in relation to the possibility of Jewish settlement in the [West] Bank and the [Golan] Heights as well as the settlement of Arab
refugees from Gaza in El-Arish or the [West] Bank. In this opinion, I will deal only with the first question, which, from a political and legal point of view, seems to me to be the most delicate. I am afraid there is in the world very great sensitivity to the whole question of Jewish settlement in
the administered territories and any legal arguments that we shall try to find will not counteract the heavy international pressure that will be exerted upon us even by friendly countries which will base themselves on the Fourth Geneva Convention. These countries may claim that, while
they expect for Israel to settle Arab refugees, Israel is busy settling the administered territories with its citizens.

From the point of view of international law, the key provision is the one that appears in the last paragraph of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Israel, of course, is a party to this Convention. The paragraph stipulates as follows:

    “The occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies”.

The Commentary on the Fourth Geneva Convention prepared by the International Committee of the Red Cross in 1958 states:

    This clause was adopted after some hesitation, by the XVIIth International Red Cross Conference. It is intended to prevent a practice adopted during the Second World War by certain Powers, which transferred portions of their own population to occupied territory for political and racial reasons or in order, as they claimed, to colonize those territories. Such transfers worsened the economic situation of the native population and endangered their separate existence as a race.

    The paragraph provides protected persons with a valuable safeguard. It should be noted, however, that in this paragraph the meaning of the words “transfer” and “deport” is rather different from that in which they are used in the other paragraphs of Article 49, since they do not refer to the movement of protected persons but to that of nationals of the occupying Power.

The prohibition therefore is categorical and not conditional upon the motives for the transfer or its objectives. Its purpose is to prevent settlement in occupied territory of citizens of the occupying state. If it is decided to go ahead with Jewish settlement in the administered
territories, it seems to me vital, therefore, that settlement is carried out by military and not civilian entities. It is also important, in my view, that such settlement is in the framework of camps and is, on the face of it, of a temporary rather than permanent nature.

Even if we settle an army and not civilians, we must, from the point of view of international law, have regard to the question of ownership of the land that we are settling. Article 46 of the Hague Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land (Annexes to the Hague Convention (IV) of 1907), regulations that are regarded as a true expression of customary international law that is binding on all countries, states in relation to occupied territory that:

    “private property … must be respected. Private property cannot be confiscated”.

As regards state lands, Article 55 of the Hague Regulations stipulates that an occupying state is permitted to administer the property and enjoy the fruits of the property of the occupied state. Even here there are certain limitations on the occupying state’s freedom of action, which
derive from the occupying state not being the owner of the property but having merely enjoyment of it.

In relation to the property of charitable, religious or educational institutions or municipalities, they are treated under Article 56 of the Hague Regulations as private property.

It will be noted that an order concerning abandoned property (private property) (Order No. 58), issued by Brigadier Narkiss as IDF Commander in the West Bank region (and Order No. 59) concerning state property are in fact in keeping with the provisions of the Hague Regulations on the observance of property rights.

I will now go on to discuss a number of concrete issues pointed out by Mr Yafeh.

A. Regarding the possibility of engaging in any kind of agricultural activity and settlement on the Golan Heights, it has to be pointed out that the Golan Heights, which lie outside the area of the mandated Land of Israel, are unequivocally “occupied territory” and are subject to the
prohibition on settlement. If it is decided to establish any settlements, it is essential that this be done by the army in the form of camps and that it does not point to the establishment of permanent settlements.

B. In terms of settlement on the [West] Bank, we are trying not to admit that here too it is a matter of “occupied territory”. We argue that this area of the Mandate on the Land of Israel was divided in 1949 only according to Armistice Lines, which, under the Armistice agreements themselves, had merely military, not political, significance and were not determinative until the final settlement. We go on to say that the agreements themselves were achieved as a temporary measure according to Security Council action based on Article 40 of the United Nations Charter.
We also argue that Jordan itself unilaterally annexed the West Bank to the Kingdom of Jordan in 1950 and that the Armistice Lines no longer exist because the agreements expired due to the war and Arab aggression.

We must nevertheless be aware that the international community has not accepted our argument that the [West] Bank is not “normal” occupied territory and that certain countries (such as Britain in its speeches at the UN) have expressly stated that our status in the [West] Bank is that of an occupying state.

In truth, even certain actions by Israel are inconsistent with the claim that the [West] Bank is not occupied territory. For example, Proclamation No. 3 of the IDF Forces Commander in the West Bank of 7.6.67, which brings into force the order concerning security regulations (in Section 35), states that:

    “A military court and the administration of a military court will observe the provisions of the Geneva Convention for the Protection of Civilians in Time of War in everything relating to legal proceedings and where there is conflict between this order and the aforementioned Convention, the provisions of the Convention will prevail”.

With regard to Gush Etzion, settlement there could to a certain extent be helped by claiming that this is a return to the settlers’ homes. I assume that there are no difficulties here with the question of property although the matter requires close examination. With regard to Gush Etzion too, we have to expect, in my view, negative international reaction on the basis of Article 49 of the Geneva Convention. Furthermore, in our settlement in Gush Etzion, evidence of intent to annex the [West] Bank to Israel can be seen.

On the possibility of settlement in the Jordan Valley, the legal situation is even more complicated because we cannot claim to be dealing with people returning to their homes and we have to consider that problems of property will arise in the context of the Hague Regulations. I cannot go further into this question without having a lot more detail.

On the issue of the settlement of Arab refugees, which is, in my opinion, a less complex issue from both a political and a legal point of view, I will write separately.

Regards,
[signed]
T. Meron

In hindsight it is easy to see where Meron erred. The ICRC interpreted “The occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies” as follows:

    It is intended to prevent a practice adopted during the Second World War by certain Powers, which transferred portions of their own population to occupied territory for political and racial reasons or in order, as they claimed, to colonize those territories.

Meron assumed that that was what Israel was trying to do. But he was wrong. What was proscribed was a situation where the occupying power forcibly transferred or deported its own populations into the occupied territories for “political or racial reasons”. He was wrong because Israel wasn’t forcibly doing so, as happened in WWII nor was it even transferring or deporting. There is no prohibition against Jews moving to the territories.

The Arabs are trying to arguing that this clause should be read as “indirectly” transferring or deporting. They argue that Israel by providing roads and services was indirectly transferring. But that is not what it says and was not what it meant in 1949 when it was passed.

Let us assume that Israel by doing so ran afoul of the law. If so the Israeli leaders who were behind the transfer must suffer the consequences and such consequences are severe as this is considered a war crime.

But that doesn’t mean the settlements are illegal or that Jews cannot independently move to the territories. Bottom line is that there is no law saying the settlements are illegal or that the Jews who settled there, can’t live there.

January 21, 2014 | 58 Comments »

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  1. Welcome to FT November 6, 2013

    Israel set to become major gas exporter

    By John Reed in Tel Aviv

    The Tamar deepwater natural gas platform rises 290m from the seabed off Ashdod, in southern Israel, emerging above the waterline only for the last 50 metres or so.

    The $3.5bn project is described by its investors Delek of Israel and Noble Energy of the US as the largest private sector infrastructure undertaking in Israel’s 65-year history. The gas from Tamar, which began sending its output onshore in late March, will contribute about a percentage point of the country’s gross domestic product this year.

    Whatever the outcome, one thing is certain: Israel’s energy independence has been transformed for years to come. At an even deeper seismic level below the gas, Noble and Delek believe offshore Israel has the potential for oil, and they plan to send a new drilling ship to begin looking for it in 2014.

  2. @ honeybee:

    Screwed BP holes with a slant drill, did you enjoy it. Kosher drilling!!!!!!!!!Darlin

    I made a typo it was actually British Gas BG not BP

    Actually I did enjoy it. Did you suspect otherwise?

  3. Is there any truth to our enemies claims?

    Lebanon’s Energy Sector Stalled by Government Crisis

    Lebanese citizens became optimistic when they heard about the possibility of the discovery of gas reserves in Lebanon’s territorial waters. But this optimism was followed by a question raised by all Lebanese: Who will benefit from the revenues? Will the politicians put their hands on them? What is remarkable is that this question is being raised by most citizens, regardless of their religion or sect. Meanwhile, the discovery of petroleum reserves in Lebanon would be a golden opportunity that opens the doors to a new economic sector, away from pessimism that prevails in the country.

    For example, there is issue surrounding the Gaza Marine gas field, which was discovered in Palestinian waters in 2003, but has not yet been developed because of Israeli pressures.

    Israel began gas exploration efforts in its southern waters at the beginning of the last decade, yet most of the fields were very small and adjacent to Palestinian waters. But in 2009, Israel began discovering important fields in its northern waters, near Lebanese and Cypriot territorial waters.

    In 1999 the British Gas Group (later BG Group) discovered significant deposits of natural gas under the water 10 to 15 nautical miles off the shore of Gaza. The deposits, named Gaza Marine 1 and 2, are estimated to contain up to 1.3 trillion cubic feet of natural gas or the energy equivalent of 150 million barrels of oil. They are currently valued at some 4 billion dollars.

    BG Group initially drafted an agreement sharing the resource between the Palestinian Authority, Egyptian interests and themselves. Under pressure from Tony Blair BG group replaced Egypt with Israel in the consortium, although Egypt is once again involved.

    Under the 1993 Oslo Accord the Palestinians were allowed to use a sea corridor extending 20 nautical miles out from the Gaza shoreline for fishing and recreational purposes. For the next 7 years the Gazans fished throughout this corridor without restrictions by the Israelis. But in 2000, less than a year after the natural gas discovery, Israeli warships began attacking fishing vessels that traveled further than 6 nm from shore. Since then at least 15 fishermen have been killed and over 200 injured. The practice has continued since the Operation Lead ceasefire went into effect. More fishermen have been killed and injured and the boats are now attacked when they travel beyond 3 miles.

    1999: The British Gas Group (later BG Group) began explorations off the Israeli and Gazan coasts for natural gas. A modest deposit was found in Israeli waters close to the Gaza Marine Activity Zone. A significantly larger deposit was found in a section of this Zone centered some 10 to 15 nautical miles offshore. It was estimated that there were sufficient reserves to generate electric power for all Palestinian needs for a decade and still have surplus to export.

    – July 25, 2000: Yasser Arafat walked out on the Camp David meeting.

    – September 27, 2000: Yasser Arafat traveled 19 miles off the Gaza coast to light the first flare stack flowing up from the natural gas deposit. An Israeli oil consortium had contested the Palestinian rights to the gas but was overturned in an Israeli court. The initial agreement with the BG Group gave them 90 percent interest and 10 percent to Consolidated Contractors Company, an Athens based Palestinian group. They and the Palestinian Investment Fund (PIF) had the option to later assume up to 40 per cent interest. Original estimates for development and production expenses were in the area of 2 billion dollars. Profits were estimated at another 2 billion dollars.

    In the initial stages BG considered running an underwater pipeline 20 nautical miles from the Marine Zone directly to Gaza where it would be used in retrofitted generators to provide power. Excess gas would be piped to the West Bank or converted to Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) for export to foreign buyers.

    This plan was abandoned when the Israelis said they would never buy the gas directly from the Palestinians. At that point the BG Group negotiated with Egypt to run an undersea pipeline designed to import the gas to a plant at El-Arish. The gas would then be piped to Israel that would not have to deal directly with the Palestinians.

    Under pressure from Tony Blair BG Group was forced to negotiate with the Israelis instead who wanted the pipe to run directly to Ashqelon. Those discussions were so long and contentious that ultimately the BG Group closed their Israel office and again began dealing with Egypt. Sharon was elected Prime Minister in February 2001. He vowed that Israel would never buy gas from the Palestinians. After the outbreak of the 2nd Intafada the Israelis began an ever-tightening blockade of Gaza.

    There is an Israeli drilling platform a short way north of the Gaza Marine Zone. Although there is no evidence supporting speculation at this time it is feasible for the Israelis to access the gas deposits located in the Marine Zone. Slant drilling techniques allow bits to reach 10-15000 feet horizontally from a standing platform. Iraq accused Kuwait of stealing its oil using this technique.

    Early June 2008 – Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak instructed the Israel Defense Forces to covertly prepare for an invasion of Gaza to be known as operation “Cast Lead”.

    June, 2008 -Israel contacted BG Group to propose reopening negotiations over the natural gas deposits. Actual negotiations overseen by Ehud Olmert were taking place in October, 2008. It appears that Israel wished to reach an agreement with BG Group before the secretly planned invasion began.

  4. yamit82 Said:

    I hope most of the gas being pumped suposedly from our adjacent wells is in fact Gazan Gas thus preserving our own for the future.

    Me too! I think its funny that some expect a country at war to respect the enemy claims and assets. some of those whining articles make me laugh. Gazans at war should expect to be plundered and the same for lebanon. My view is that the enemy has no rights except to die.

  5. There is no prohibition against Jews moving to the territories

    Ted, did you write this? I do not understand why lip service is paid to the GC when treaties, etc. speak of the obligation to “…facilitate the immigration and encourage the close settlement of the Jewish people..”. How can GC even be relevant to a territory specifically set up to encourage Jewish settlement.
    There is not only no law AGAINST Jewish settlement but the law specifically obligated its encouragement!
    why does this even get discussed among Jews????
    Furthermore, there is another issue which speaks to the inapplicability of the GC. It is my understanding that Laws which are not equally applied cannot be legally enforced. The pals and the Jews were both created as refugees as a result of the same conflict in which the expelling arab nations allied with the pals against the Jews. As the GC was not applied on behalf of the expelled Jews then it is ludicrous to assert it is applicable to another participant in the same conflict. By waiving its applicability wrt the Jews then its applicability should be waived for anyone in that conflict. there is an attempt by pal supporters to cast the expelled jews as not being connected with the same conflict or with the pals as it is different locations but I believe this is rubbish as WWII was global and considered one conflict.

  6. The Gas field off Gaza still belongs to Israel. Barak gave up the rights (illegally) to Arafat not to Hamas, BP paid Arafat 50 million $$$ for the rights to drill but nobody would buy as Israel deceided to buy Egyptian Gas instead. a few years Ago BP after trying to get Israel to agree and failing to buy the gas gave up their leases.

    In the meantime Israel has been milking Gazan gas by horizontal or Directional drilling

    I hope most of the gas being pumped suposedly from our adjacent wells is in fact Gazan Gas thus preserving our own for the future.

  7. The agreement reportedly includes a massive natural gas project in the Mediterranean sea off of Gaza. Russian natural gas company Gazprom was planning to produce 30 billion cubic meters of natural gas at the site, according to Russian news agency ITAR-TASS. The Russian engineering firm Technopromexport was also considering an oil development project in Ramallah in the West Bank, according to the same report.
    http://www.jpost.com/International/Abbas-seeks-1-billion-energy-deal-with-Russia-339206

    I thought qatar was hoping for this deal?

  8. @ yamit82:
    for your interest:
    Qatar’s foreign minister: Iran has ‘crucial role’ in Syria
    Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/01/qatar-geneva-ii-syria-opposition-iran.html#ixzz2rF6Ky0ef

    Attiyah made a strong case for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) unity, including in the field of security. Attiyah said “I see the GCC as one unit, I see the GCC as, in the security issue namely, we are on the same line. You cannot divide the GCC on the security issue.”

    they act as one in spite of pretending to be in competition running “different jihadis”

    Attiyah called on Syrian opposition groups to put aside their differences and back the Syrian National Coalition (SOC), led by Ahmad Jarba. Sabbagh is considered close to Qatar. What is your analysis of the state of the opposition, as these direct talks begin Friday? “Today we need everyone to stand behind them. Today is the day, if you may call it, the day of judgment. Everyone should support them, support Jarba, support his temporary government. There is no space now for maneuver or for getting one side. We have to support them today, full stop.” said Attiyah.

    Qatar telling their jihadi proxies to support the saudi jihadi proxies. there is one GCC and the many groups are an obfuscation.

    If the regime stopped what it is doing with the Syrian people, and gives them their self-determination and what they wanted to have, their freedom, justice, I think the terrorists will fade out of Syria,” Attiyah said.

    He does not think, he knows! After all he is one of the GCC who sent them there and gave them instructions. they have already been “fading” to Lebanon and Iraq.

    Now the consensus issue in a transitional government; the consensus is not to have a transitional government, the transitional government is set by Geneva I, but the consensus is the names you can veto. You can veto the names. And, simply, when you veto the names, the opposition will veto Bashar al-Assad because their mandate is no Bashar, Bashar to go. But for the transitional government, it is not for anyone to veto, so this is maybe the people cannot distinguish between a mutual consensus but not on this issue, because this issue is clear.

    this should be interesting to watch.

  9. Felix Quigley Said:

    To Yamit and Ross I find it remarkable if not disgusting that both of you so voluble and “militant” are prepared to surrender Gaza

    You obviously do not read my comments to which you pretend to be respond.

  10. CuriousAmerican Said:

    If you think Israel has problems with the charge of Apartheid wait until in re-absorbs Gaza.

    the charge of apartheid is obviously spurious and is not driven by a need for logic. therefore the same is true with problems resulting for re annexation or transfer. It wont matter what the content of the accusation is and therefore it makes no sense to comply with such arguments now or later. Israel will always have problems from their perennial detractors: the question is when will the Jews get it? The Jews might as well get something in exchange for all the false accusations. No reason to avoid any behavior for which Israel is already demonized.

  11. CuriousAmerican Said:

    military law will not be overlooked by the world community any more. Maybe it should be overlooked, but it won’t.

    are there areas on the globe where it is overlooked, are there any UN members who are guilty of similar things to which Israel is accused or maintain undemocratic govs who disenfranchise their citizens? Until those are dealt with and cleared up I see no reason for Israel to bow to double statndards.

  12. yamit82 Said:

    Felix Quigley Said:

    Gaza must be won back for the Jewish people.

    Why?

    AND

    Your reasons are?

    Felix Quigley Said:

    To Yamit and Ross

    I find it remarkable if not disgusting that both of you so voluble and “militant” are prepared to surrender Gaza

    Yamit also asks why I am holding fast to Gaza

    Where and when have I ever said I was prepared to surrender Gaza or any other part of The Land of Israel? You must have me confused with CA or some other enemy of the Jewish people. 🙂

    Keep trying Felix, it’s fun deflecting your feeble inane attempts to cast me as a villain when it comes to Israel and the Jewish people.

    1. It was stolen by a combination of Jewish traitors and Gentile deceit

    Stolen by foreign conquest and given up by Jewish fools more than once, (At least 3 times in the last 66 years).

    2. As I argued in 2005 Gaza is Jewish as per San Remo

    Our rights to Gaza and all of the Land of Israel is derived from the Torah. Rights established by the creator of all things referenced and acknowledged in the San Remo Agreement as the primary basis of Jewish rights to all of Palestine then under British control.
    “To your descendants I have given this land, from the Egyptian River (the Nile) as far as the great river, the Euphrates.”
    Bereshit (Genesis) 15:18) 😛

    3. I also argued that the sea is a natural defensive border

    So are the Litani, the Nile and the Euphrates rivers.

    The Jew has come home for the third and last time. “But the third shall be left therein” (Zecharia 13:8). “The first redemption was that from Egypt; the second, the redemption of Ezra. The third will never end” (Tanhuma, Shoftim 9).

  13. @ Felix Quigley:
    1. It was stolen by a combination of Jewish traitors and Gentile deceit

    2. As I argued in 2005 Gaza is Jewish as per San Remo

    3. I also argued that the sea is a natural defensive border

    The real reason Israel retreated to the perimeters of Gaza was to ditch 1.5 Million Muslims.

    Do you want them back?

    I can understand annexing Judea and Samaria. (I advocated it)

    But Gaza is tricky.

    You would be running into very real demographic problems if you re-absorbed Gaza. Even Ted gave a qualified sort of approval of the withdrawal from Gaza for that very reason.

    If you think Israel has problems with the charge of Apartheid wait until in re-absorbs Gaza.

    But do it. Just plan ahead.

  14. To Yamit and Ross

    I find it remarkable if not disgusting that both of you so voluble and “militant” are prepared to surrender Gaza

    Yamit also asks why I am holding fast to Gaza

    1. It was stolen by a combination of Jewish traitors and Gentile deceit

    2. As I argued in 2005 Gaza is Jewish as per San Remo

    3. I also argued that the sea is a natural defensive border

  15. My view is that if the law is used to swindle Jews then screw the law. The end conclusion is simple: the europeans exiled the Jews, the arabs invaded from arabia, the Jews came back and tried repeatedly to live in peace with the arab squatters they found, living in peace has proven impossible, therefore its time for the arabs to go
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dpylr2H7h7E
    the bottom line is they control today over 80% of the former palestine mandate territory and EVERY inch of what they control is JEW FREE. This says it all as to any possibility of peaceful coexistence. Furthermore, there is no reason to discuss arab refugees as the 800,000 expelled Jews from the arab nations resulting from the same conflict have not been dealt with. The GC is irrelevant because it was not used wrt the Jewish expelled refugees therefore it cannot be expected to apply to the jews but not the arabs in the same conflict.. The rest doesn’t matter because there is no solution of peace with the arabs remaining within Israel.

  16. @ watsa46:

    Even if it were “ALL” and not some (which it is not), it matters not as Yamit as so comprehensively pointed out simply because Res. 242 IS NOT BINDING (Chapter VI not Chapter VII)whereas the Mandate rights are and they confirm exclusive national and settlement rights to the Jews and nothing can abrogate those rights. Even the consent of Israel can’t abrogate settlement rights that are irrevocably granted to the “Jewish people” as that concept includes Jews of the future as much as the present.

  17. CuriousAmerican Said:

    @ yamit82:

    Thanks for the history of military law in Israel; but the problem is: It cannot continue without blowback from the world. That may not bother you, but it will bother some.

    military law will not be overlooked by the world community any more. Maybe it should be overlooked, but it won’t.

    Israel will have to deal with the issue.

    What blowback do you envision might happen with a degree of certainty?

    It doesn’t really bother me much because I know some of the truths few are willing to publicize and expound on. Of course it will bother some, so what?

    What the world thinks? You gotta be kidding? 🙂 What will they do besides threaten?

    If Israel does most of what I suggest we will be dealing with it.

    If Israel is ever seen to really be in danger a lot of what you antisemites have always thought about and characterized us (I think enough of us)… will become a reality for as long as the danger is perceived to be present.

    Then as in the past the Jews will revert to where they were before.

    Problem with those like you is you underestimate the power and strength of Israel and the Jewish people.

    You are willing to believe and accept the worst about us and that defines you but not us.

    “… ‘So said HaShem, “My first-born Son is Israel.”‘” (Exodus 4:22)

    “O nations: Sing the praises of His People, for He will avenge the blood of His Servants; He will bring retribution upon His adversaries, and He will appease His Land [and] His People.” (Deuteronomy 32:43)

    “Sacred is Israel unto HaShem, [being] the first of His Crop; all who devour it will be held Guilty; Evil shall come upon them — [this is] the Oration of HaShem.” (Jeremiah 2:3)

    “For, behold, in those Days, and in that Time, when I shall reverse the captivity of Judah and Jerusalem, I will gather all of the nations, and I will bring them down into the Valley of Jehoshaphat [Valley of God’s Judgment]; and I will issue Judgment against them there concerning My People and My Heritage Israel, whom they have scattered amongst the nations, and My Land that they have divided [amongst themselves].” (Joel 4:1-2)

    Were Israel to mobilize all her strengths and power we will come through any threat and adversity whole and strengthened for the effort.

    “A land which the L-rd thy G-d cares for; the eyes of the L-rd are upon it, from the beginning of the year unto the end of the year.”
    Dvarim (Deuteronomy) 11:12

  18. Is it possible to give an unbiased legal opinion when U have a gun at your head and most of the whole world against you?
    It is clear as off today, that the international community in general sides with the Muslims to undermine any legal document that defends or protect IL rights or positions. The world wants to read what is not in legal documents in order to modify the meaning and the spirit of the many Int and UN resolutions that are supposed to protect any state INCLUDING Israel. The single most known example refers to the need for the IL forces to vacate ALL VS conquered territories. The witnesses present at the writing of the doc clearly stated that specifically “ALL” was out of question. Borders would have to be negotiated and IL will be allowed to keep some territories to assure her security. The EU and US in their deviousness want to impose “ALL”. This vicious undermining is what Kerry and the EU are doing day in day out. This MUST be ABSOLUTELY REJECTED no matter the PRICE. Western Gvts are full of closet antisemites besides the Jews from the left/far left.

  19. @ CuriousAmerican:

    It comes down to the “Territories” either being taken by Israel or by murderous enemies that exist solely to eradicate the Jewish nation. So the choice is really quite simple, all “blowback” from the world notwithstanding.

    As for the blowback, we have the examples of Jerusalem and the Golan and the blowback really was no problem.

    The choice is existential and therefore really no choice at all. In the end the only answer is annexation and what to do with the Arabs and the blowback from the world are secondary concerns.

  20. @ yamit82:

    Thanks for the history of military law in Israel; but the problem is: It cannot continue without blowback from the world. That may not bother you, but it will bother some.

    military law will not be overlooked by the world community any more. Maybe it should be overlooked, but it won’t.

    Israel will have to deal with the issue.

  21. yamit82 Said:

    Clearly, Israel has no obligation to honor the malevolent Will of the international community as expressed through the U.N.,

    This is the only reasonable conclusion of those who are repeatedly swindled through the application of the “law” only when it suits others and only after twisting it out of meaning. Basically it appears that they all recognized the historical rights of Jews to Israel, they put it into law, and then proceeded to swindle the Jews at every opportunity. Law is only as good as those who subscribe to it or enforce it. However, I think lawfare should be pursued as the Jews case is nowhere to be seen, especially not in Israel, the one place one would have such an expectation. further, if Israel experiences sanctions or takes drastic unilateral action(annexation or transfer) it would be wise to enable those who would prefer not to partake in sanctions an argument to that end.

  22. Felix Quigley Said:

    Gaza must be won back for the Jewish people.

    that would be nice but Israel appears to have given it up. In that case Gaza would be a good place to deposit fatah/PLO to reminisce with hamas. Syria and lebanon are good destinations because they have no treaties with Israel so their agreement is unnecessary. Re gaza, israel should take territory back and push them further to egypt each time a rocket is fire under “territory acquired under a defensive war”

  23. INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    When it suits its diplomatic interests, even the United States — Israel’s closest ally — directly promotes international ostracism of the Jewish State. In September 2011, in an effort to more effectively combat terrorist groups, the U.S. created the “Global Counterterrorism Forum”, with an initial membership comprised of the European Union and 29 countries. Among the latter were 10 Muslim countries (namely, Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates), many of which (via tolerating, hosting, funding or providing ideological justification) have themselves facilitated acts of terrorism, most of which do not recognize Israel’s existence, and none of which regard attacks by “Palestinians” against Israel’s civilian population as terrorism. Although, due to existential necessity, Israel has become the World’s foremost expert in the field of counterterrorism, the U.S. barred the Jewish State from membership in the Forum and from attending its inaugural meeting in June 2012. Underscoring Israel’s exclusion from the Forum as well as from the Forum’s raison d’être, the speech given at the inaugural meeting by U.S. delegate Maria Otero (in her capacity as the U.S. State Department’s Undersecretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights), entitled “Victims of Terrorism”, conspicuously omitted the Jewish State from its recitation of countries that were under attack by terrorist groups.

    And then, of course, there is the matter of Jerusalem. Israel is the only State in the World whose capital city — Jerusalem — is not recognized by the international community (including the United States) as actually being its capital city. Rather, the international community prefers to treat Tel Aviv as being Israel’s capital city. This non-recognition of a nation’s capital is unprecedented in the annals of international diplomacy. However, lest one think that this is the case merely because the international community does not recognize the legality of Israel’s post-1967 possession of the eastern portion of Jerusalem, it should be recalled that, since its establishment in 1948, modern Israel’s territory has always included the western portion of Jerusalem. Nonetheless, the international community (including the United States) has refused, from 1948 until the present Day, to recognize even the western portion of Jerusalem as being Israel’s capital. In furtherance of this international policy, the official website of the 2012 Olympic Games initially listed Jerusalem as being the capital of a nonexistent “Palestine” and initially listed no capital for Israel. However, after a protest from Israel, the website was subsequently “corrected” to list no capital city for either “Palestine” or Israel.

    Lastly, the international community has acquired the insidious habit of equating binding U.N. Security Council resolutions (issued pursuant to Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter) directed against evil and aggressive dictatorships (such as Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, Stalinist North Korea and Islamo-fascist Iran) with non-binding U.N. resolutions directed against the terror-targeted Jewish State.

    Remarkably, the international community’s strident isolation of Israel was foretold by the gentile prophet Balaam who — gazing upon the Hebrew tribes as they advanced towards the biblical Land of Israel — declared: “’For, from its origins I see it rock-like, and from hills do I see it; behold! — it is a people that [physically] shall dwell in solitude and [spiritually] shall not be reckoned among the nations.’” (Numbers 23:9).

    Clearly, Israel has no obligation to honor the malevolent Will of the international community as expressed through the U.N., especially when such hostile sentiment conflicts with the U.N.’s own Charter and with international law as expressed through the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine.

    And, finally, it must be remembered that League of Nations’ allocation of the non-sovereign territory of Mandatory Palestine to the Jewish people was no gift. Rather, it constituted a return of stolen property.

    READ MORE

  24. @ bernard ross:

    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    Furthermore, the hypocritical United Nations, which is so adept at condemning Israel’s lawful possession of its ancestral lands, is equally adept at condoning or ignoring the many contested occupations of recent memory, such as those:

    by Great Britain:
    of the northern portion of Ireland (which occupation has prompted that country to officially denominate itself as “The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland”), and of the southern tip of Spain (known as “Gibraltar”), and of the Falkland Islands (which are within the territorial waters of Argentina and known as the Malvinas Islands to that nation) and of two areas of Cyprus (both used as British military bases, one known as Akrotiri located near Limassol in the southern portion of the island and the other known as Dhekelia located between Larnaca and Famagusta in the southeastern portion of the island;

    by the United States: of the southeastern tip of Cuba (known as “Guantanamo Bay”);

    by Spain: of the cities of Cueta (known as Sebta to the Arab world) and Melilla (known as Maliliyya to the Arab world) on the northeastern coast of Morocco as well as several islands within the territorial waters of Morocco plus a small nearby peninsula of Morocco, and of a small region of Portugal on the Guadiana River (called Olivenza by Spain and Olivenca by Portugal);

    by France: of territory on the northern coast of South America (known as “French Guiana”), and of the island of Mayotte (known as Mahore to the Arab world) within the territorial waters of Comoros;

    by Spain and France:
    of Euskadi (the Basque homeland);

    by Armenia: of the southwestern portion of Azerbaijan (namely, the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave and additional surrounding territory)

    by India: of the larger part of Kashmir;

    by China: of Tibet and of the Uygur homeland of Xinjiang Uygur (known as East Turkestan to the Uygur people);

    by China and Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) of the Wa (also known as the Lawa, Va, Hkawa, Kawa, or Kala) homeland;

    by Russia: of four Japanese islands at the southern tip of the Kuril archipelago (known as the Northern Territories to Japan), and of the Abkhazia and South Ossetia provinces of Georgia, and of the Transnistria (also known as Trans-Dniester or Transdniestria) province of Moldava, and of Chechnya, and formerly of Afghanistan, and formerly of the 14 nations which (together with Russia) comprised the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (commonly known as the Soviet Union)

    by Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey: of Kurdistan;

    by Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan:
    of Baluchistan (also known as Balochistan);

    by Algeria: of (the remnant Berber homeland of) Kabylia;

    by Turkey: of the northeastern portion of Cyprus (denominated as “The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” by Turkey) and of the Iskenderun region (denominated as the Province of Hatay by Turkey) which was originally part of the territory included in the League of Nations Mandate for Syria and is claimed by modern Syria (known as the Alexandretta region to the Arab world);

    by Syria: formerly of Lebanon;

    by Iran: of the oil-rich region of Khuzestan (known as the region of al-Ahwaz to the Arab world) which has been populated almost exclusively by Arabs for the past 600 years, and of the islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Moussa located within the territorial waters of United Arab Emirates, and of the southern portion of Azerbaijan;

    by Morocco: of Western Sahara;

    by Ethiopia: formerly of Somalia;

    by the United Nations itself: of the Kosovo province of Serbia; and

    by nations (such as Great Britain, Australia, Brazil, Chile, Denmark, Ecuador, France, India, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, Spain, and Yemen): of islands that lie well beyond their own territorial waters.

    In fact, while the international community has always employed the pejorative label “Occupation” to describe Israel’s lawful reacquisition of its ancestral lands, it has never employed that label to describe any of the above-enumerated occupations. Moreover, none of the above-enumerated occupations has ever been declared by the International Committee of the Red Cross (which deems itself to be the official interpreter of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949) or any component of the U.N. system to be subject to — let alone in violation of — Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (which, inter alia, prohibits an occupying power from deporting portions of the occupied population from, or transferring portions of its own population to, the occupied territory). Only Israel’s lawful reacquisition of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza has ever been declared by the I.C.R.C. and the U.N. system to be subject to (and simultaneously in violation of) Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

    This inversion of Morality was lamented by Solomon, third monarch of biblical Israel, who presciently observed: “There is a Futility that takes place on the Earth — there are righteous ones who are treated as [if they had performed] the actions of the evil ones; and there are evil ones who are treated as [if they had performed] the actions of the righteous ones — I declared that, also, this is a Futility.” (Ecclesiastes 8:14). His father, David, second monarch of biblical Israel, had earlier warned the World: “The evil ones will surge forward on every side when Baseness is exalted among the Sons of Man.” (Psalms 12:9). And the Prophet Isaiah had, in a later generation, declared: “Woe unto those who speak of Evil as [if it were] Good, and of Good as [if it were] Evil; who make Darkness into [the semblance of] Light, and Light into [the semblance of] Darkness; who make Bitter into [the perception of] Sweet, and Sweet into [the perception of] Bitter.” (Isaiah 5:20)

  25. @ bernard ross:

    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    It is noteworthy that nowhere does U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242 assert any “Palestinian” collective ownership of — or call for the establishment of a “Palestinian” state in — any portion of the biblical Land of Israel. On the contrary, the Resolution’s explicitly-stated goal of safeguarding the “territorial integrity” and the “territorial inviolability” of “every State in the area” conclusively demonstrates that the Resolution was intended to address, not the present “Palestinian” Arab claim of sovereignty over certain portions of the lands captured by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, but rather that which its drafters viewed (however naively) as, fundamentally, a non-existential boundary line dispute among the combatant countries, namely, Israel, Egypt, Jordan and Syria (and — although not a direct participant in the Six Day War — Lebanon). However, since Israel did subsequently resolve the boundary line aspects of its existential disputes with Egypt (in 1979) and with Jordan (in 1994) by concluding with those two nations formal peace treaties which did not require its withdrawal from Gaza (formerly occupied by Egypt) or from Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (formerly occupied by Jordan formerly known as Transjordan), the Resolution’s extant withdrawal component, if any, presently applies, if at all, only to the boundary line aspects of Israel’s existential disputes with Syria (due to Israel’s continued possession of the bulk of the Golan Heights) and possibly Lebanon (due to the fact that, although Israel does not presently occupy any portion of Lebanon, as officially certified in 2000 by the U.N., the 1949 Israel-Lebanon Armistice Agreement does not require Lebanon — or Israel — to recognize the former international boundary between Lebanon and the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine as Israel’s international boundary); but none of these unresolved boundary line aspects involve Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem or Gaza. Additional proof that the “Palestinian” Arabs are not an intended beneficiary of the Resolution’s withdrawal component can be found in the Resolution’s explicit call for “achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem”, this being the Resolution’s sole reference to the rights and entitlements of the “Palestinian” Arabs.

    Lastly, it is also noteworthy that U.N. Security Council Resolution no. 242, in what is generally regarded as an implied criticism of Israel’s conduct during the Six Day War, asserts “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”. However, a proper understanding of the principles of international law (including those created by the Mandate for Palestine) leads to the contrary conclusion that it was Transjordan’s illegal acquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem by offensive war in 1948 as well as Egypt’s illegal acquisition of Gaza by offensive war in 1948 that was wrongful, rather than Israel’s lawful reacquisition thereof by defensive war in 1967.

    Although the international community has also issued myriads of other U.N. Security Council resolutions and U.N. General Assembly resolutions (and has even procured an advisory opinion from the U.N. International Court of Justice) which appear to erode, or even negate, the international legal status of the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, none of these resolutions (or such non-binding judicial advisory ruling) are able to alter preexisting international law by which “… recognition has thereby been given to the historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 3) on account of which “… close settlement by Jews on the Land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) was thereby authorized. This is primarily due to the fact that all of these other Security Council resolutions were also issued under authority of Chapter VI rather than Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, and they are, consequently, directory (i.e., recommendatory) rather than mandatory (i.e., obligatory), and also due to the fact that General Assembly resolutions directed against member States are always directory.

    However, even if the Security Council were to issue a resolution under the authority of Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, which sought to deprive the Jewish people of their collective rights of settlement and self-determination under the Mandate for Palestine, that resolution would be in flagrant violation of Article 80 of the U.N. Charter (which, absent Israel’s formal consent, prohibits the U.N. from using its potential trusteeship authority over the non-sovereign territories of Judea, Samaria and Gaza “… to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be parties”), and would, consequently, be deemed null and void — ab initio — under international law.

    Notwithstanding the foregoing discussion concerning the continued primacy of the Mandatory legal rights of settlement and self-determination bestowed upon the Jewish people with respect to Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza and the Golan Heights (as derived from the relevant preambulary and operative provisions of the governing instrument of the Mandate), it is clear that the Mandate’s administrative regime (i.e., the trusteeship office theoretically capable of revival by the future appointment of a successor Mandatory to govern the remaining non-sovereign territory of former Mandatory Palestine) terminated de facto when Israel declared its independence in 1948. This is so, not only because Great Britain had resigned as Mandatory trustee, but also because the Mandate’s raison d’être was fulfilled in practice the moment a Jewish State came into being, notwithstanding the fact that only a portion of the territory allocated by the Mandate for that purpose was actually under Jewish control by the end of Israel’s War of Independence. Moreover, once Israel reacquired, in 1967, the remainder of those lands which were authorized — and always intended — by the Mandate to be part of a Jewish State, the Mandate’s administrative regime finally terminated de jure, as once all stolen Jewish land was reunited with the Jewish State, there remained thereafter no further legal grounds or legal purpose for the revival of the Mandate’s administrative regime (whose only purpose had been to facilitate the creation of a Jewish State upon all of the territory — after the exercise of the severance authority of Article 25 of the Mandate — which comprised Mandatory Palestine).

    Consequently, the State of Israel is the lawful repository of the exclusive national rights in and to the entirety of the western portion of former Mandatory Palestine and the remnant of the eastern portion of former Mandatory Palestine that comprises the Golan Heights, which lands were explicitly granted to the Jewish people by virtue of the Mandate for Palestine. In other words, pursuant to international law (as established by the raison d’être and the provisions of the Mandate), and based upon the fact that the Jewish State has not (yet) ceded such national rights to any other party, the State of Israel is the lawful sovereign in all of the Land of Israel from the River to the Sea plus the Golan Heights.

  26. @ bernard ross:

    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    Resolution 242

    In the context of Israel’s entitlement to retain “secure” borders, it is crucial to comprehend that even after Israel’s reacquisition of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem in 1967, the Jewish State had only increased its narrow width, as measured by the distance between the western edge of Tel Aviv (i.e., at the Mediterranean Sea) and the nearest Arab-controlled territory to the East, from 18 kilometers (approximately 11 miles) to 64 kilometers (approximately 40 miles), thereby marginally lengthening the time for Arab warplanes to reach Tel Aviv from one minute to three minutes. Accordingly, logic dictates that Israel must retain all 40 miles of its present width (i.e., from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River) in order for it to maintain minimally secure borders.

    Yet, disingenuously — despite the fact that the members of the U.N. Security Council debated the provisions of, and voted to pass, only the English-language version of the Resolution (the draft of which was submitted by Great Britain to the Security Council as U.N. document no. S/8247), and despite the fact that British and American diplomats have publicly stated that the omission of the definite article “the” before the noun “territories” in the text thereof was intentional — some polemicists claim fealty only to the French-language translation of the English-language Resolution which employs the phrase “des territoires” (which literally re-translates into the English language as “from the territories” but which idiomatically re-translates into the English language as either “from the territories” or “from territories”). However, due to the fact that this apparent ambiguity in meaning occurs only because the grammatical rules of the French language do not permit the employment of the preposition “from” together with its intended object without the interpolation of the definite article “the” (i.e., the English-language phrase “from territories” cannot grammatically be rendered into the French language except as “des territoires”), France declared — soon after the Resolution was issued — that the French-language version thereof was intended to be an exact translation of the English-language text thereof, and that, consequently, its version did not cause the Resolution to have any different meaning in the French language than it had in the English language.

    Of course, since the Resolution is merely directory and, consequently, non-binding, any linguistic argument over the withdrawal component thereof is only of academic interest. Yet, even if the Resolution were mandatory rather than directory, since the Resolution does not, in fact, demand withdrawal from all of the territories, Israel’s relinquishment, in the aftermath of the subsequent 1973 Yom Kippur War, to Egypt of the district of Sinai (plus all of the additional lands captured by Israel in that War beyond Sinai towards Cairo) and to Syria of the district of Kuneitra on the Golan Heights (plus all of the additional lands captured by Israel in that War beyond the Golan Heights towards Damascus) — constituting in excess of 90% of the territory acquired by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War (plus 100% of the territory acquired by Israel in the 1973 Yom Kippur War) — has, arguably, already satisfied the Resolution’s nonspecific withdrawal component. At any rate, by having launched a coordinated invasion against Israel in 1973 without provocation, Egypt and Syria (with assistance from Jordan which sent several troop divisions to the Golan Heights’ front to fight Israel under Syrian command) thereby attempted by military means to deprive Israel of the benefits of the Resolution’s recommendation of negotiations leading to “secure and recognized boundaries” for the Jewish State, as a consequence of which it may be argued that the aggressors thereby forfeited their recommended benefits under the Resolution. Moreover, it may be further argued that — even if Syria did not forfeit the Resolution’s recommended benefits by its unprovoked attack upon Israel in 1973 — since Syria’s initial acquisition of the Golan Heights was illegal under international law, Israel’s reacquisition of this territory was, and its present retention thereof is, lawful under international law.

  27. @ bernard ross:

    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    It is clear that, although the Armistice Agreements explicitly acknowledged the Arabs’ de facto possession of lands over which the Jewish people had acquired exclusive national rights by virtue of the Mandate for Palestine, the Armistice Agreements did not cede to the Arabs any de jure sovereignty thereover.

    Incredibly, even decades later — despite the constant terrorist infiltrations emanating from Israel’s armistice partners — the Jewish State continued to express its readiness to accept its nonviable armistice demarcation lines as internationally-recognized boundaries. In particular, on May 17, 1965, Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol, in a speech to the Knesset, offered to convert all four Armistice Agreements into peace treaties. However, no Arab aggressor deigned to accept such a proposal at that time, thereby serving to legally preserve — even against Israel’s will — all of the Jewish State’s Mandatory-era territorial claims.

    In fact, absent Israel’s formal consent (per Articles 77 and 79 of the U.N. Charter), not even the United Nations itself can lawfully terminate, reduce or otherwise restrict the collective Jewish rights of settlement and self-determination authorized by the Mandate for Palestine. For, although Chapter XII of the United Nations Charter (entitled “International Trusteeship System” and encompassing Articles 75 through 85 thereof), permits three categories of non-sovereign territories, including “… territories now held under mandate …” (Article 77, Paragraph 1a), to be placed under a U.N. trusteeship agreement, under the supervision of a designated “… administering authority …” (Article 81), it also states that: “It will be a matter for subsequent agreement as to which territories in the foregoing categories will be brought under the trusteeship system and upon what terms” (Article 77, Paragraph 2), and further states that: “The terms of trusteeship for each territory to be placed under the trusteeship system, including any alteration or amendment, shall be agreed upon by the states directly concerned, including the mandatory power in the case of territories held under mandate by a Member of the United Nations, and shall be approved as provided for in Articles 83 and 85” (Article 79). The inviolability of collective Jewish rights under the Mandate for Palestine is further reinforced and crystallized by Paragraph 1 of Article 80 of the U.N. Charter, which Charter provision severely restricts the United Nations’ legal authority to abrogate or alter any provision of the Mandate for Palestine. Article 80, Paragraph 1 of the U.N. Charter states, in full, as follows:

    “Except as may be agreed upon in individual trusteeship agreements, made under Articles 77, 79, and 81, placing each territory under the trusteeship system, and until such agreements have been concluded, nothing in this Chapter shall be construed in or of itself to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be parties.”

    For this reason, United Nations Security Council Resolution no. 242 — issued in the aftermath of Israel’s Six Day War of 1967, as a result of which Israel had conquered the districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, Gaza, Sinai and the Golan Heights — did not create any infringement upon the authority of the Mandate for Palestine. Nor did this Security Council Resolution attempt to accomplish such an unlawful goal, the proof being that the Resolution was issued under the authority of Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter (entitled “Pacific Settlement Of Disputes” and encompassing Articles 33 through 38 thereof), thereby rendering it directory (i.e., a non-binding recommendation to the parties), rather under the authority of Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter (entitled “Action With Respect To Threats To The Peace, Breaches Of The Peace And Acts Of Aggression” and encompassing Articles 39 through 51 thereof), which would have rendered it mandatory (i.e., a legal obligation imposed upon the parties and, consequently, subject to U.N. enforcement powers, including the imposition of sanctions and the employment of military intervention). Accordingly, the Resolution did not require Israel to relinquish possession over areas in which Jewry had acquired, through the Mandate, internationally-recognized legal rights of settlement and self-determination. Rather, the Resolution merely called, as a necessary component of “the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East”, for negotiations leading to the Israel’s withdrawal from deliberately unspecified portions of “… territories occupied in the recent conflict …” in order, inter alia, to establish for Israel “… secure and recognized boundaries …” and to conclude “… a just settlement of the refugee problem …”.

  28. All this beating around the bushes on this semantic issue is the outcome of what the popular saying of “No good deed ever goes unpunished” is as true
    as the Bible..
    The Ghetto Jew mentality one would believe went out through the crematorium smokestacks is, to this day still dictating Israeli policy and GOD only
    knows till when…
    When the Wast Bank was in the hands of Jordan’S Arab Legion, everything was hunky-dory with world’s public opinion, RIGHT…???
    Then, what prevented the outright annexation of it as a result of the 1967 Six days War…????
    Shimon Dzigan once said in one of this sketches that an American politician is so smart, so sherewd, it is next to impossible to tell where the “Jajam”
    (wise) and the “NAR” (fool) begins but I’ affraid thatb it can be fully pinned on the Israeli politicians as well…!!!!!
    My beloved father (z’l) used to tell us that when the hooligans went to hit Jews, the Jewish youth was prevented from fighting back as doing it “Might
    make matters worst” and therefore, when subjected to a beating, they will thank GOD for not being hit in the head….
    Was it triumph euphoria or sheer fear what prevented DAYAN from taking the Temple Mount keys from the justly terrified WAQF and by this stupid action,
    opening the floodgates of Muslim rewriting of History as we see now from their claims on the Temple Mount with the blessing of the Israeli “leadership”
    as per the remark of the Canadian Minister…???????

  29. @ bernard ross:
    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    Consequently, since the repudiated Palestine Partition Plan was never implemented, the Mandate was not terminated de jure thereby. However, the earlier creation by Great Britain, as Mandatory, of the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan in 1946 (pursuant to the authority of Article 25 of the Mandate) and the subsequent establishment, by the resident Jewish population thereof, of the State of Israel in 1948 (pursuant to the raison d’être of the Mandate) did legally remove those newly-independent areas from the Mandate’s ambit, thereafter leaving only the districts of Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem and Gaza, then illegally-occupied by Transjordan and Egypt (as well as the Golan Heights, then illegally-occupied by Syria) still subject de jure to the provisions of the Mandate.

    During Israel’s War of Independence, approximately 600,000 Arab belligerents, constituting approximately 80% of the Arabs residing upon the lands which would become Israel within its 1949 armistice demarcation lines, departed Israel (via a combination of voluntary flight and forcible expulsion), while the remaining 150,000 Arabs thereof (who, while generally hostile to the creation of the Jewish State, did not actively participate in the War to destroy it) were not only permitted to remain within the State of Israel but were granted full citizenship rights therein, including national voting rights, in addition to which they were granted a blanket exemption from compulsory military service therein. Nevertheless, a large portion of Israel’s Arab citizenry, representing the irredentist rump of a defeated supranational enemy, has chosen to annually observe May 15, not as “Yom HaAtzma’ut” (Hebrew-language meaning: “The Day of Independence”, although, due to differences between the Gregorian and Hebrew calendars, Israel’s celebration of its independence coincides with May 15 only once every 19 years), but rather as “Yawm een-Nakba” (Arabic-language meaning: “The Day of Catastrophe”, which the Arabs of Israel actually observe twice each year: officially on May 15 based upon the Gregorian calendar and unofficially on the date that Israel celebrates its Independence Day based upon the Hebrew calendar). By annually mourning the pan-Arab failure to annihilate Israel in 1948, those Arab citizens of Israel declare themselves kindred to those revanchist and irredentist Germans who annually mourn Nazi Germany’s defeat in 1945. On the other hand, in the Jewish State’s successful effort to survive this first pan-Arab onslaught launched against it, the resident Druze (descendants of Egyptian Arabs who deviated from the Shiite branch of Islam approximately 1,000 years ago), the resident Circassians (a non-Arab ethnic group originating from Circassia, located in the northwestern region of the Caucasus Mountains of modern Russia, who follow the Sunni branch of Islam), and a small number of resident Arabs (mostly Bedouins, who follow the Sunni branch of Islam) openly allied themselves with the resident Jews thereof, with the result that the Druze citizens and the Circassian citizens of the State of Israel were made subject to the same compulsory military service as were the Jewish citizens thereof, while the Bedouins were accepted into military service on a volunteer basis.

    In the aftermath of their unsuccessful effort to destroy Israel, the Arab states eventually expelled more than 800,000 of their Jewish residents, constituting virtually the entirety of their Jewish populations. Approximately 600,000 of them fled to, and were accepted as citizens of, Israel.

  30. @ bernard ross:

    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    In addition to the British policy of responding to Arab terrorism by barring further Jewish land purchases and by instituting a graduated ban on Jewish immigration, the Mandatory authorities, in a further effort to appease the hostile Arab population, and at the behest of the local Muslim religious authorities, also humiliated the Jewish population by hobbling the latter’s prayer services at the Western Wall of Jerusalem’s Temple Mount by means of such measures as prohibiting the use of chairs and benches for worshippers’ comfort, prohibiting the use of even a portable mechitza (the prayer partition placed between the genders, as required by Jewish tradition), prohibiting “loud” public prayer, and prohibiting the blowing of the shofar (the ram’s horn) during Rosh HaShana (as required by the Torah) and at the end of Yom Kippur services (as required by Jewish tradition).

    And, while the Holocaust decimated the Jewish populations of Christian-dominated Europe and extended its destructive reach to the Jewish populations of Muslim-dominated North Africa (specifically, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya), Great Britain — in abject contravention of the dictates of Morality and every fiduciary obligation to the Jewish people imposed upon it by the Mandate for Palestine — ruthlessly implemented its illegal White Paper, this despite the fact that the Council of the League of Nations (whose prior consent was necessary for any proposed modifications to the Mandate, per Article 27 thereof) had refused to approve it. In furtherance thereof, Great Britain barred tens of thousands of Jewish refugees from the gates of Mandatory Palestine; and it forced them, at the point of a gun, to return to those very lands where only annihilation awaited them. An infamous example of Great Britain’s Arab-compliant crusade against Holocaust-era Jewish immigration is represented by the Struma Affair which unfolded during Nazi Germany’s 1942 Wannsee Conference (convened by Hitler — in response to the collective refusal, with the exception of the Dominican Republic, subsequently joined by the Philippines, of the World’s other nations, including the United States, at the 1938 Evian Conference to accept even modest Jewish immigration emanating from the territories then controlled by Nazi Germany — in order to determine and implement the final tactical mechanisms for the planned annihilation of the Jewish people). In the Winter of 1942, the Struma, a 96 square meter and 100 year old barge, packed with almost 800 Jewish refugees, including over 100 infants and other children, fled Romania for Mandatory Palestine, stopping en route at Istanbul, Turkey. Great Britain, responding to “Palestinian” Arab pressure, not only publicly declared that the Struma would be barred from entering the waters of Mandatory Palestine, but it also prevailed upon Turkey to prohibit the Struma’s passengers from disembarking at Istanbul, the result being that the barge was towed out to sea without fuel, heating equipment, food or potable water. The next day, the Struma was destroyed by a torpedo; only one person survived.

    It is indeed ironic that from 1933 until the failure of the Evian Conference (which caused the Nazi leadership to change its solution to the “Jewish Problem” from mass expulsion to mass extermination), while Great Britain increasingly obstructed Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine, Nazi officials worked closely with Zionist representatives in Germany and Austria to assist the latters’ unwanted Jewish populations in obtaining entry permits to Mandatory Palestine (as well as to any other destinations willing to accept Jews). Although it may seem counterintuitive, this brief collaboration took place because Nazis and Zionists — although the former were motivated by Hatred, while the latter were motivated by Love — nonetheless shared complimentary goals, namely: the Nazis sought to forcibly expel their Jewish populations, but lacked destination countries willing to accept them; and the Zionists, fearing for the safety of these Jewish populations if they remained under Nazi rule, sought to find those destination countries, Mandatory Palestine being the Zionists’ obvious preference.

    Great Britain’s illegal policy towards the entry of Jews to Mandatory Palestine during the Holocaust was bluntly articulated in a letter dated March 4, 1943 from British Minister to the United States Ronald Campbell to World Zionist Organization President Chaim Weizmann concerning a proposal to permit approximately 70,000 of Romania’s endangered Jews to flee to Mandatory Palestine, as follows: “His Majesty’s Government has no evidence to show whether the Romanian proposal was meant to be taken seriously. But if it was, it was already a piece of blackmail which, if successful, would open up the endless prospect on the part of Germany and her satellites in southeastern Europe of unloading, at a given price, all their unwanted multitudes on overseas countries.”

    So it was that, at the malevolent hands of Great Britain, the internationally-sanctioned Jewish national homeland was illegally closed to Jewish immigration during the Jewish people’s time of greatest need for sanctuary. And even after Nazi Germany was defeated in 1945 and the enormity of its crimes against the Jewish people was publicly revealed, Great Britain continued to illegally interdict and intern in primitive detention camps (most of them situated in then British-occupied Cyprus) tens of thousands of Holocaust survivors attempting to enter the western portion of Mandatory Palestine. Yet, tens of thousands of other Holocaust survivors, with the assistance of the “illegal” Jewish militia known as Hagana (Defense), precursor to the Israel Defense Forces, managed to circumvent the barricades of British Mandatory authorities; and they thereby successfully entered the Land.

  31. @ bernard ross:
    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    Alarmed by the continuing Arab violence, the British government impaneled a Palestine Royal Commission in August 1936 to determine the causes of the Arab unrest and the means by which it might be ameliorated. In July 1937, the Commission issued its report, commonly known as the Peel Commission Report, to the British Parliament, which report stated, in Chapter IV thereof (entitled “The Disturbances of 1936”), as follows:

    The underlying causes of the disturbances of 1936 were —

    (1) The desire of the Arabs for national independence;

    (2) their hatred and fear of the establishment of the Jewish National Home.

    Consequently, the Peel Commission Report concluded that, despite the explicit terms of the Mandate for Palestine, it was infeasible for Great Britain to permit the entirety of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine to become a Jewish State ruling over a revanchist and irredentist Arab population. Due to the continued high level of Arab (both Muslim and Christian) hostility towards the resident Jewish population, the concept of a bi-national state consisting of confederated Jewish and Arab cantons was also rejected. Instead, the Commission recommended that the Mandate be terminated and that the western portion of Mandatory Palestine be partitioned into (1) a sovereign Jewish State, (2) a sovereign Arab State (into which would be merged the semi-autonomous Emirate of Transjordan), and (3) (in order to protect international access to Christendom’s sites of pilgrimage) three non-sovereign enclaves comprised, respectively, of: (a) Jerusalem and certain of its environs (including Bethlehem), (b) Nazareth, and (c) Lake Kinneret (which the Report alternatively labels as the “Sea of Galilee” and as “Lake Tiberias”) to be governed by a new League of Nations mandate. The Peel Commission partition plan was adopted by the British Parliament. However, although the principle of partition (albeit not the exact boundaries proposed in the Report) was accepted (albeit unenthusiastically) by the Jewish leadership of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, its uniform rejection by the Arab leadership thereof caused Great Britain first to defer the Report’s implementation (pending further study), and then to reject it.

    The Arab jihad continued to rage over the next 3 years due, in large part, to the support that it received from Nazi Germany. The Nazis, in addition to providing clandestine funding and armaments to the leadership of the jihad, also infiltrated its agents into the western portion of Mandatory Palestine in order to provide tactical support to the jihad (which the Arabs denominated as the “Great Arab Revolt”)..

  32. @ bernard ross:
    INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    The Mandate granted to the Jewish people two distinct legal rights inherent in the reestablishment of the Jewish National Home, namely, the collective right of settlement and the collective right of self-determination. In order to effectuate both of these rights, Article 6 of the Mandate required the Mandatory Administration to facilitate large-scale immigration and land purchases by Jews. Concomitant with the foregoing, Article 7 of the Mandate required the Mandatory Administration to provide for the bestowal of Palestinian citizenship upon immigrating Jews. Moreover, Article 4 of the Mandate authorized the creation of a local Jewish government (in the form of the preexisting Zionist Organization co-founded by Theodore Herzl in the 19th Century, which is presently known as the World Zionist Organization) to assist the Mandatory Administration in the performance of its Mandatory obligations to the Jewish people. In furtherance of the League of Nation’s goal to prepare Mandatory Palestine for eventual independence as a Jewish State, Article 11 of the Mandate authorized the Mandatory Administration to delegate to the local Jewish government the performance of important national governmental functions (namely, the construction and operation of public works, services and utilities, and the development of the Land’s natural resources).

    In emphasis of the Mandate’s grant of exclusive national rights to the Jewish people, the appellation “Arab” does not appear anywhere in the Mandate. Likewise, the appellation “Palestinian” does not appear in the Mandate, except in its reference to “the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 7). In fact, nowhere in the Mandate is there a reference, by name, to any ethnic group other than the Jewish people. Instead, the Mandate subsumes the Arab and other gentile inhabitants of Mandatory Palestine within the following generic categories: “existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Preamble, Paragraph 2), “inhabitants of Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Articles 2 & 15), “other sections of the population” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6), “the various peoples and communities” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 9), “the different religious communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 14); “each community” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 15); and “the respective communities in Palestine” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 23).

  33. Does anyone know how many Jews were ethnically cleansed by the Jordanians and the Egyptians from Judea, Samaria and Gaza during the War of Independence?

    I haven’t been able to find that number out anywhere.

  34. yamit82 Said:

    Accordingly, the internationally-authorized Mandatory rights inhering in the Jewish people to effect “… close settlement by Jews on the Land …” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) and to reconstitute therein “… the Jewish National Home …” (Mandate for Palestine, Articles 2 & 4) continued to apply de jure to Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, and Gaza (and, as well, to the Golan Heights) until Israel’s reacquisition of those stolen lands in 1967.

    Furthermore: the use of law to the advantage of one side only should be unaceptable to all Jews. There is no discussion here of the Jewish refugees from arab nations as a direct result of this conflict. It is as if only the interests of one side are being considered. If the GC did not protect the Jews cleansed from arab lands in the same conflict it is absurd to then claim the GC in any other matter related to the same conflict.

    The internationals will try and swindle the Jews with any possible spurious argument but it is up to the Jews to accept or repudiate these ludicrous narratives emanating from the same filth who tortured and swindled Jews for 2000 years. I would not accept these swindles regardless of what the law says. Jews should realize that they would have accepted any crumbs and bones thrown to them by their perennial tormentors, but this is no reason to continue to comply with these swindlers. No agreement is legally valid when obtained under duress and the international community applied duress on the Jews immediately after they slaughtered half the Jewish population. The fact that these despicable, primarily european , swindlers tout their narratives today indicates the depravity to which they will sink in their war against the Jews.
    They are vermin personified!

  35. INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S COLLECTIVE RIGHTS OF SETTLEMENT AND SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL

    In the process of their illegal conquest of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, the invading Arab armies, together with their local Arab allies, destroyed all of the extant Jewish communities in the newly Arab-occupied areas — both those which were created under the authority of the Mandate (such as the Gush Etzion grouping of villages in Judea, the Kfar Darom and Nitzanim villages in Gaza, and the Atarot and Neve Yaakov villages in the Jerusalem area) and those which had existed from time immemorial (such as the ancient Jewish neighborhoods situated in the eastern portion of Jerusalem which now thereby joined the ancient Jewish neighborhoods of Hebron as well as of other Arab-dominated cities which had been destroyed almost two decades earlier); and these aggressors massacred or expelled all of the Jewish inhabitants thereof. Moreover, not being content with having extirpated the entire Jewish population from the newly Arab-occupied Old City of Jerusalem, the victorious Arabs also desecrated and razed all 58 synagogues in the Old City and vandalized 75% of the Jewish gravestones on the nearby Mount of Olives cemetery.

    Nevertheless, Transjordan’s illegal military occupation, from 1948 to 1967, of Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem (as a result of which the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan, now occupying lands on both banks of the Jordan River, soon renamed itself the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan) and Egypt’s illegal military occupation, from 1948 to 1967 of Gaza, as well as both countries’ concomitant destruction of all Jewish communities there, did not remove these now Judenrein (cleansed of Jews) areas from the legal ambit of the Mandate. Accordingly, the internationally-authorized Mandatory rights inhering in the Jewish people to effect “… close settlement by Jews on the Land …” (Mandate for Palestine, Article 6) and to reconstitute therein “… the Jewish National Home …” (Mandate for Palestine, Articles 2 & 4) continued to apply de jure to Judea, Samaria, the eastern portion of Jerusalem, and Gaza (and, as well, to the Golan Heights) until Israel’s reacquisition of those stolen lands in 1967.

    This seldom-acknowledged truth of international law is reinforced by the fact that the 1949 Armistice Agreements — which were negotiated under supervision of the United Nations and which ostensibly terminated Israel’s War of Independence — essentially declared that the armistice demarcation lines that encompassed Israel at the end of that war were not to be deemed its lawful international boundaries but only military separation-of-forces lines (or, more simply stated, mere cease-fire lines) determined without prejudice to the combatant parties’ “… rights, claims and positions … in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question …” (Israel-Egypt Armistice Agreement, Article XI; Israel-Lebanon Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2; Israel-Jordan Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2; and Israel-Syria Armistice Agreement, Article II, Paragraph 2); and, amazingly, this same juridical formulation was applied to Israel’s armistice demarcation line with Lebanon even though that line was identical to the former international boundary between the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine and Lebanon. Yet, how did Israel manage to convince its Arab adversaries that the Armistice Agreements should memorialize, and thereby legally preserve, the Jewish State’s pre-war territorial claims to the illegally-occupied remainder of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine, as well as to the illegally-ceded Golan Heights? Ironically, Israel is not entitled to any credit for this juridical result. For, although Israel was prepared to accept all of the armistice demarcation lines as its internationally-recognized boundaries — thereby waiving its legal claim to the remainder of the cis-Jordania portion of Mandatory Palestine as well as to the Golan Heights — aggressors Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria were not so prepared! It was precisely due to the fact that all of these Arab countries refused to so accept these lines — even that between Lebanon and Israel which was identical to the former international boundary — that the Armistice Agreements declared, in effect, that such lines were not to be treated either as the Jewish State’s recognized international boundaries or as those of the surrounding Arab countries. In fact, not only did each of these Arab countries insist that its respective Armistice Agreement with Israel not bestow upon the latter any recognized international boundary, but — even more significantly — each such country also made certain that its Armistice Agreement did not refer to the lands then controlled by Israeli forces as “Israel” but only as “Palestine”. In other words, these Arab countries’ dogmatic refusal to recognize the legal existence of the renascent State of Israel dictated their corollary refusal to recognize any legal boundaries therefor, thereby foreordaining the ironic juridical result that the 1949 Armistice Agreements neither granted to these invading Arab nations internationally-recognized sovereignty over these newly-occupied territories — illegal possession of which they had temporarily acquired by conquest — nor otherwise purported to cancel the Jewish people’s collective rights of settlement and self-determination therein pursuant to the Mandate for Palestine. Tellingly, none of the Armistice Agreements makes any reference to the existence of a “Palestinian” Arab people, let alone to any claim by the latter to collective ownership of any portion of Gaza, Judea, Samaria and the eastern portion of Jerusalem.

    (Read Full Article)

  36. CuriousAmerican Said:

    He is right about one thing. If Israel asserts that the contested areas are Jewish territory, then Israel cannot apply Military Rule over the people, but must have civil law.

    Right now, Palestinians come in under Military Law. While this may be necessary, it undercuts the Israeli position.

    This dichotomy has to be addressed.


    We have legal Israeli precedents re: Arabs under Israeli sovereignty considered to be disloyal or politically antagonistic to the Jewish State.

    Military administrative government was in effect from 1949 to 1966 over some geographical areas of Israel having large Arab populations, primarily the Negev, Galilee, and the Triangle. The residents of these areas were subject to a number of controlling measures that amounted to martial law. The Israeli army enforced strict residency rules. Any Arab not registered in a census taken during November 1948 was deported. Permits from the military governor had to be procured to travel more than a given distance from a person’s registered place of residence, and curfew, administrative detentions, and expulsions were common. Although the military administration was officially for geographical areas, and not people, its restrictions were seldom enforced on the Jewish residents of these areas. In the 1950s, martial law ceased to be in effect for those Arab citizens living in predominantly Jewish cities, but remained in place in all Arab localities within Israel until 1966.

    The authorites did not recognise the legality of residence in the country of anyone not registered during the November 1948 census and issued with an identity card or military pass. Anyone who had left the country for any reason before the census, and was not registered and in possession of a card or pass was regarded as an “absentee.” If he subsequently infiltrated back into the country (including to his home village), he was regarded “as illegal” and could be summarily deported. The IDF repeatedly raided villages, sorted out legal from illegal residents and, usually, expelled the “returnees.”” Morris, Benny (1987) The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem, 1947-1949.

    Following the 1967 war, in which the Israeli army Liberated the West Bank and Gaza Strip, a military administration over the Palestinian population was put in place.

  37. Settlement in what has been referred to as “the territories” since Israel conquered them in June 1967 never has been constrained by law; but only by a curious mixture of Israeli politics, and of typically Jewish fear of reproach from non-Jewish governments, quasi-governmental international agencies and various medias of journalism.

    But the reality of the matter is that such settling is about power. After migrating en masse from Egypt about 3400 years ago,the ancient Hebrew-speaking tribes that became the Jewish nation invaded and settled the Kenani territories at the east end of the Mediterranean Sea and founded there a thriving and growing Jewish commonwealth. Many hundreds of years later, the Assyrian Empire conquered the Kingdom of Israel and deported most of it inhabitants. That was followed by a similar conquest of the Kingdom of Judea by the Babylonian Empire, then a half-millenium later by the Roman Empire. After that, for some 2000 years, Jewish populations were routinely abused, robbed, expelled or murdered by the majority of the countries of the Jewish diaspora. Finally, immediately following the declaration of the State of Israel, the Jewish populations of most of the Arab states were robbed by those countries and expelled.

    But Jews were not the only targets of expropriation of lands and their settling by foreigners. Here in the United States, where the leaders of the United States of America determined they had a “manifest destiny” to conquer and settle all of this part of North America from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans, some hundreds of great and small tribes and sub-tribes of Native Americans who had possessed their lands for as many as 30,000 years, were conquered, jammed into reservations — which, like concentration camps, they could not leave — and their lands stolen and settled by our large white population which was being expanded annually by large-scale immigration from all parts of Europe.

    I remind also that following World War II, the entire German-speaking populations of Jugoslavia, Romania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, the Baltic States and Poland — all told, some 14 million persons — were robbed of their property and expelled into the shrunken German state established after that war. I think the peoples of eastern Europe, under control of the Soviet Empire of Josef Stalin, had the correct permanent solution to the German problem, considering the mass murders by the Germans of most of the Jews of Eastern Europe, and their announced and intended enslavement of most of the non-Jewish populations of that part of Europe. But the main lesson here is that it was done by countries that had the power and the will to despoil and deport large populations and settle those lands with their own countrymen did exactly what they could get away with.

    Israel has been in a continuous state of war with the Palestinian Arabs since the first large-scale Jewish immigration into lands awarded them a few years earlier by the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Now, despite almost 50 years of foolish and mostly laughable efforts by one US Secretary of State after another to make and enforce peace in the Middle East, no leadership of any Palestinian group has been willing or even able to declare a statement of permanent recognition of the Israel as a Jewish state.

    So the Jewish state, which in fact has the power to do so, is allowing and facilitating an ever-increasing Jewish population on the soil of the ancient Jewish districts of Shomron and Yehuda. As a result, the two-thirds of Shomron and Yehuda accounted for in Area C as delineated in the Oslo Accords. The Jewish population is now growing there at an annual rate of 6%, which is about three times the rate of population growth of the State of Israel as a whole. Before long, in about a dozen years, the current Jewish population in Shomron and Yehuda of about 380,000 permanent residents will double to about 760,000 and will double again to about 1.5 million in another dozen years. As a trained urban and regional planner, with a master’s degree in that field, I have watched the processes of urban sprawl create massive new populations around American urban centers. Here, that phenomenon is frowned upon by persons such as me, who live on rural properties that get overrun by such sprawl. Nevertheless, urban sprawl happens, regardless of the preaching of urban planners or the screeching of UNO committees. Because nobody ever has found a way to stop human migration, either around large American cities, along the southern borders of this country, or in the districts of the ancient Jewish nation now being redeemed.

    Arnold Harris
    Mount Horeb WI

  38. In truth, even certain actions by Israel are inconsistent with the claim that the [West] Bank is not occupied territory.

    He is right about one thing. If Israel asserts that the contested areas are Jewish territory, then Israel cannot apply Military Rule over the people, but must have civil law.

    Right now, Palestinians come in under Military Law. While this may be necessary, it undercuts the Israeli position.

    This dichotomy has to be addressed.

  39. This rather flawed analysis neglects to address the key point – “occupation”. Exactly whose country is being “occupied”. Jordan? No, Jordan was never the rightful sovereign of Y&S as it illegal seized these land in 67 and it’s control of them for the next 19 was never internationally recognized. The Ottomans? No they lost it in WWI. The High Contracting Parties? Well, yes as the victors in WWI they became the sovereign so to speak and at St. Remo and the League of Nations set up a “trust” known as the British Mandate for Palestine to set aside these lands as the “national home of the Jewish people”.

    So you can debate all you want deportation or transfer versus voluntary relocation, the bottom line is – you can’t be considered an “occupier” of YOUR OWN COUNTRY!. No one but the Jews have a better claim and title to Y&S.